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THE NETHERLANDS.-
THOMAS COLLEY GRATTAN
NEW YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHER
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CONTENTS.
CHAP. I
B. C. 50.— A. D. 250.
FROM THE INVASION OF THE NETHERLANDS BY THE ROMANS TO THE
INVASION BY THE SALIAN FRANKS.
Extent of the Kingdom.— Description of the People.— Ancient State of
the Low Countries— Of the High Grounds— Contrasted with the pres-
ent Aspect of the Country.— Expedition of Julius Ccesar.- The BelgiE.
— The Menapians. — Batavians — Distinguished among the Auxiliaries
of Rome.— Decrease of national Feeling in Part of the Country. —
Steady Patriotism of the Prisons and Menapians.— Commencement
of Civilization. — Early Formation of the Dikes. — Degeneracy of those
who became united to the Romans. — Invasion of the Netherlands by
the Salian Franks Page 15
CHAP. H
250—800.
FROM THE SETTLEMENT OF THE FRANKS TO THE StJBJUGATION OF FRIESLAND
BY THE FRENCH.
Character of the Franks.— The Saxon Tribes.— Destruction of the Sali-
ans by a Saxon Tribe.— Julian the Apostate.— Victories of Clovis in
Gaul.— Contrast between the Low Countries and the Provinces of
France.— State of Friesland.— Charles Martel.— Friesland converted
to Christianity— Finally subdued by France 22
CHAP. HI.
800—1000.
FROM THE CONQUEST OF FRIESLAND TO THE FORMATION OF HOLLAND.
Commencement of the Feudal System in the Highlands.— Flourishing
State of the Low Countries. — Counts of the Empire. — Formation of
the Gilden or Trades. — Establishment of popular Privileges in Fries-
land.— In what they consisted. — Growth of Ecclesiastical Power. —
Baldwin of Flanders — Created Count. — Appearance of the Normans.
— They ravage the Netherlands — Their Destruction — And final Dis-
appearance.— Division of the Empire into Higher and Lower Lor-
raine.— Establishment of the Counts of Lorraine and Hainault. — In-
creasing Power of the Bishops of Liege and Utrecht. — Their Jealousy
of the Counts ; who resist their Encroachments 28
VI CONTENTS.
CHAP. IV.
1018—1384.
FROM THE FORMATION OF HOLLAND TO THE DEATH OF LOUIS DE MALE.
Origin of Holland. — Its first Count. — Aggranrlizement of Flanders. —
Its growing Commerce — Fisheries — Manufactures. — Formation of
the County of Guelders— And of Brabant.— State of Friesland.— State
of the Provinces.— The Crusades.— Their good Effects on the State of
the Netherlands.— Decline of the Feudal Power— And Growth of the
Influence of the Towns.— Great Prosperity of the Country.— The
Flemings take up Arms against the French — Drive them out of Bru-
ges— And defeat them in the Battle of Courtrai. — Popular Success in
Brabant. — Its Confederation with Flanders. — Rebellion of Bruges
against the Count — And of Ghent under James d'Artaveldt. — His Al-
liance with England. — His Power — And Death. — Independence of
Flanders. — Battle of Roosbeke. — Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy,
obtains the Sovereignty of Flanders 36
CHAP. V.
1384—1506.
FROM THE SUCCESSION OF PHILIP THE BOLD TO THE CODNTY OF FLANDERS
TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP THE FAIR.
"'hilip succeeds to the Inheritance of Brabant. — Makes War on England
as a French Prince — Flanders remaining neuter. — Power of the Houses
of Burgundy and Bavaria— And Decline of public Liberty. — Union of
Holland, Hainault, and Brabant.— Jacqueline Countess of Holland
and Hainault — Flies from the Tyranny of her Husband, John of Bra-
bant, and takes Refuge in England.— Murder of John the Fearless,
Duke of Burgundy.— Accession of his Son, Philip the Good.— His
Policy. — EspCf'ses the Cause of John of Brabant against Jacqueline. —
Deprives her of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand. — Continues his Per-
secution, and despoils her of her last Possession and Titles. — She
marries a Gentleman of Zealand — And dies. — Peace of Arras. — Do-
minions of the House of Burgundy equal to the present Extent of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands. — Rebellion of Ghent. — Affairs of Hol-
land and Zealand. — Charles the Rash. — His Conduct in Holland. —
Succeeds his Father. — Effects of Philip's Reign on the Manners of the
People. — Louis XI. — Death of Charles, and Succession of Mary. —
Factions among her Subjects. — Marries Maximilian of Austria. —
Battle of Guinegate. — Death of Mary. — Maximilian unpopular. — Im-
prisoned by his Subjects. — Released. — Invades the Netherlands. — Suc-
ceeds to the Imperial Throne by the Death of his Father.— Philip the
Fair proclaimed Duke and Count. — His wise Administration. — Af-
fairs of Friesland — Of Guelders.— Charles of Egmonc. — Death of
Philip the Fair 49
CHAP. VI.
1506—1555.
FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF MARGARET OF AUSTRIA TO THS ABDICATION
OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES V.
Margaret of Austria invested with the Sovereignty.— Her Character and
Government.— Charles, Son of Philip the Fair, created Duke of Bra-
CONTENTS. Vll
bant and Count of Flanders and Holland.— The Reformation. -Mar-
tin Luther.— Persecution of the Reformers.— Battle of Pavia.— Ces-
sion of Utrecht to Charles V.— Peace of Cambray.— The Anabaptists'
Sedition at Ghent.— Expedition against Tunis and Algiers.— Charles
becomes possessed of Friesland and Guelders.— His increasing Sever-
ity against the Protestants.— His Abdication and Death.— Review.—
Progress of Civilization 67
CPAP. VII.
1555—1566.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP II. OF SPAIN TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
INQUISITION IN THE NETHERLANDS.
Accession of Philip II. — His Character and Government. — His Wars
with France, and with the Pope.— Peace with the Pope.— Battle of
St. Q.uentin.— Battle of Gravelines.— Peace of Cateau-Cambresis.—
Death of Mary of England.— Philip's Despotism.— Establishes a Pro-
visional Government. — Convenes the States-General at Ghent. — His
Minister Granvelle.— Goes to Zealand.— Embarks for Spain.— Pros-
perity revives. — Eflects of the Provisional Government. — Marguerite
of Parma. — Character of Granvelle. — Viglius de Berlaimont. — De-
parture of the Spanish Troops.— Clergy.— Bishops.— National Discon-
tent.—Granvelle appointed Cardinal.— Edicts against Heresy.— Popu-
lar Indignation.— Reformation.— State of Brabant.— Confederacy
against Granvelle.— Prince of Orange.— Counts Egmont and Horn
join the Prince against Granvelle.— Granvelle recalled.— Council of
Trent.— Its Decrees received with Reprobation.— Decrees against Re-
formers.—Philip's Bigotry.— Establishment of the Inquisition.— Popu-
lar Resistance 77
CHAP VIII.
1566.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE REVOLUTION.
Commencement of the Revolution. — Defence of the Prince of Orange.
— Confederacy of the Nobles. — Louis of Nassau. — De Brederode. —
Philip de St. Aldegonde.— Assembly of the Council of State.— Con-
federates enter Brussels — Take the Title of Oueux — Q.uit Brussels,
and disperse in the Provinces. — Measures of Government. — Growing
Power of the Confederates. — Progress of the Reformation. — Field-
Preaching. — Herman Strieker. — Boldness of the Protestants. — Peter
Dathen. — Ambrose Ville. — Situation of Antwerp. — The Prince re-
pairs to it, and saves it. — Meeting of the Confederates at St. Trond.
—The Prince of Orange and Count Egmont treat with them.— Ty-
ranny of Philip and Moderation of the Spanish Council. — Image-
Breakers.— Destruction of the Cathedral of Antwerp.— Terror of
Government.— Firmness of Viglius.— Arbitration between the Court
and the People.— Concessions made by Government.— Restoration of
Tranquillity ^...^ -. . .
Vlll CONTENTS.
CHAP. IX.
1566—1573.
TO THE ADMINISTRATION OF REQUESENS.
Philip's Vindictiveness and Hypocrisy.— Progress of Protestantism.—
Gradual Dissolution of the Conspiracy.— Artifices of Philip and the
Court to disunite the Protestants. — Firmness of the Prince of Orange.
Conference at Termonde. — Egmont abandons the Patriot Cause. —
Fatal Effects of his Conduct. — Commencement of Hostilities. — Siege of
Valenciennes.— Protestant Synod at Antwerp.— Haughty Conduct of
the Government.— Royalists repulsed at Bois-le-duc— Battle of Oster-
weel, and Defeat of the Patriots.— Antwerp again saved by the Firm-
ness and Prudence of the Prince of Orange.— Capitulation of Valen-
ciennes.— Success of the Royalists. — Death of De Brederode. — New
Oath of Allegiance— Refused by the Prince of Orange and others.—
The Prince resolves on voluntary Banishment, and departs for Ger-
many.— His Example is followed by the Lords. — Extensive Emigra-
tion.— Arrival of the Duke of Orleans. — Egmont's Humiliation. —
Alva's Powers. — Arrest of Egmont and others. — Alva's first Acts of
Tyranny. — Council of Blood. — Recall of the Government. — Alva's
Character. — He summons the Prince of Orange, who is tried by Con-
tumacy.— Horrors comnfitted by Alva — Desolate State of the Country.
— Trial and Execution of Egmont and Horn. — The Prince of Orange
raises an Army in Germany, and opens his first Campaign in the
Netherlands.— Battle of Heiligerlee.— Death of Adolphus of Nassau.—
Battle of Jemminghem.— Success and skilful Conduct of Alva.— Dis-
persion of the Prince of Orange's Army.— Growth of the naval Power
of the Patriots.— Inundation in Holland and Friesland.— Alva re-
proached by Philip.— Duke of Medina-Celi appointed Governor— Is
attacked, and his Fleet destroyed by the Patriots— Demands his Re-
call.—Policy ofl^uUG English Cleeen, Elizabeth.— The Dutch take Brille.
—General Revolt in Holland and Zealand.— New Expedition of the
Prince of Orange.— Siege of Mons.— Success of the Prince.— Siege of
Haerlem— Of Alkmaer.— Removal of Alva.— Don Luis Zanega y Re-
quesene appointed Governor-General 109
CHAP X.
1573—1576.
TO THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT.
Character of Requesens. — His conciliating Conduct. — Renews the War
against the States. — Siege of Middleburg. — Generosity of the Prince of
Orange.— Naval Victory.— State of Flanders.— Count Louis of Nas-
sau.—Battle of Mookerheyde.— Counts Louis and Henry slain.— Mu-
tinyof the Spanish Troops.— Siege of Leyden.— Negotiations for Peace
at Breda.— The Spaniards take Zuriczee.— Requesens dies.— The
Government devolves on the Council of State.— Miserable State of the
Country, and Despair of the Patriots.— Spanish Mutineers.— The
States-General are convoked, and the Council arrested by the Grand
Bailiff of Brabant.— The Spanish Mutineers sack and capture Maes-
stricht, and afterwards Antwerp.— The States-General assemble at
Ghent and assume the Government.— The Pacification of Ghent 126
CONTENTS. IX
CHAP. XI.
1576—1580.
TO THE RENUNCIATION OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF SPAIN AND THE DECLARATION
OF INDEPENDENCE.
Don John of Austria, Governor-General, arrives in tlie Netherlands. —
His Character and Conduct.— The States send an Envoy to Elizabeth
of England. — She advances them a Loan of Money. — The Union of
Brussels. — The Treaty of Marche-en-Famenne, called the Perpetual
Edict.— The impetuous Conduct of Don John excites the public Suspi-
cion.— He seizes on the Citadel of Namur. — The Prince of Orange is
named Protector of Brabant. — The People destroy the Citadels of Ant-
werp and other Towns. — The Duke of Arschot is named Governor of
Flanders. — Heinvites the Archduke Mathias to accept the Government
of the Netherlands.— Wise Conduct of the Prince of Orange.— Ryhove
and Hembyse possess themselves of supreme Power at Ghent.— The
Prince of Orange goes there and establishes Order.— The Archduke
Mathias is installed.— The Prince of Parma arrives in the Netherlands,
and gains the Battle of Gemblours.— Confusion of the States-general.
— The Dukeof Alencon comesto their Assistance.— Dissensions among
the Patriot Chiefs.— Death of Don John of Austria.— Suspicions of his
having been poisoned by Order of Philip II.— The Prince of Parma is
declared Governor-General.— The Cnion of Utrecht.— The Prince of
Parma takes the Field.— The Congress of Cologne rendered fruitless
by the Obstinacy of Philip.— The States-General assemble at Antwerp,
and issue a Declaration of National Independence.— The Sovereignty
of the Netherlands granted to the Duke of Alencon 134
CHAP. xn.
1580—1584.
TO THE MURDER OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
Proscription of the Prince of Orange.— His celebrated Apology.— Philip
proposes sending back the Duchess of Parma as Governant. — Her Son
refuses to act jointly with her, and is left in the Exercise of his Power.
— The Siege of Cambray undertaken by the Prince of Parma, and gal-
lantly defended by the Princess of Epinoi. — The Duke of Alencon
created Duke of Anjou. — Repairs to England, in hopes of marrying
Queen Elizabeth. — He returns to the Netherlands unsuccessful, and is
inaugurated at Antwerp.— The Prince of Orange desperately wounded
by an Assassin. — Details on John Jaureguay and his Accomplices. —
The People suspect the French of the Crime. — Rapid Recovery of the
Prince, who soon resumes his accustomed Activity. — Violent Con-
duct of the Duke of Anjou, who treacherously attempts to seize on
Antwerp. — He is defeated by the Towns-people. — His Disgrace and
Death. — Ungenerous Suspicions of the People against the Prince of
Orange, who leaves Flanders in Disgust. — Treachery of the Prince of
Chimay and others. — Treason of Hembyse. — He is executed at Ghent.
— The States resolve to confer the Sovereignty on the Prince of Orange.
—He is murdered at Delft.— Parallel between hiin and the Admiral
Coligny. — Execution of Balthazar Gerard, his Assassin. — Complicity
of the Prince of Parma 144
X CONTENTS.
CHAP. XIII.
1584—1592.
TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER PRINCE OF PARMA.
Effects of William's Death on the History of his Country.— Firm Conduct
of the United Provinces.— They reject the Overtures of the Prince of
Parma.— He reduces the whole of Flanders.— Deplorable Situation of
the Country.— Vigorous Measures of the Northern States.— Antwerp
besieged. — Operations of the Siege. — Immense E.xertions of the Be-
siegers.— The Infernal Machine. — Battle on the Dike of Couvestien. —
Surrender of Antwerp.— Extravagant Joy of Philip II.— The United
Provinces solicit the Aid of France and England. — Elizabeth sends
them a supply of Troops under the Earl of Liecester.— He returns to
England.— Treachery of some English and Scottish Officers.— Prince
Maurice commences his Career. — The Spanish Armada. — Justin of
Nassau blocks up the Prince of Parma in the Flemish Ports. — Ruin of
the Armada.— Philip's Mock Piety on hearing the News.— Leicester
dies.— Exploits and Death of Martin Schenck.— Breda surprised.- The
Duke of Parma leads his Army into France.— His famous Retreat.—
His Death and Character 154
CHAP. XIV.
1592—1^99.
TO THE INDEPENDENCE OF BELGIUM AND THE DEATH OF PHILIP II.
Count Mansfield named Governor-General.— State of Flanders and Bra-
bant.— The Archduke Ernest named Governor-General. — Attempts
against the Life of Prince Maurice.— He takes Groningen.— Death of
the Archduke Ernest.— Count Fuentes named Governor-General.— He
takes Cambray and other Towns. — Is soon replaced by the Archduke
Albert of Austria. — His high Reputation. — He opens his first Campaign
in the Netherlands. — His Successes. — Prince Maurice gains the Battle
of Turnhout. — Peace of Vervins. — Philip yields the Sovereignty of the
Netherlands to Albert and Isabella. — A new Plot against the Life of
Prince Maurice. — Albert sets out for Spain, and receives the News of
Philip's Death.— Albert arrives in Spain, and solemnizes his Marriage
with the Infanta Isabella.— Review of the State of the Netherlands. . ]68
CHAP. XV.
1599—1604.
TO THE CAMPAIGN OF PRINCE MAURICE AND SPINOLA.
Cardinal Andrew of Austria Governor. — Francisco Mendoza, Admiral
of Aragon, invades the neutral States of Germany. — His atrocious
Conduct.— Prince Maurice takes the Field.— His masterly Movements
— Sybilla of Cleves raises an Army, which is quickly destroyed.—
Great Exertions of the States-General. — Naval Expedition under Van
der Goes.— Its complete Failure.— Critical Situation of the United
Provinces. — Arrival of the Archduke in Brussels. — Success of Prince
Maurice. — His Expedition into Flanders. — Energy of the Archduke.
— Heroism of Isabella. — Pi ogress of Albert's Army. — Its first Success.
—Firmness of ftlaurice.— The Battle of Nieuport.— Total Defeat of the
Royalists. — Consequences of the Victory. — Prince Maurice returns to
CONTENTS. XI
Holland.— Negotiations for Peace.— Siege of Ostentl.— Death of Eliza-
betii of England. — United Provinces send Ambassadors to James I. —
Successful Negotiations of Barneveldt and the Duke of Sully in Lon-
don.—Peace between England and Spain.— Brilliant Campaign be-
tween Spinola and Prince Maurice.— Battle of Roeroord.— Naval
Transactions.— Progress of Dutch Influence in India.— Establishment
of the East India Company 177
CHAP. XVI.
1606—1619.
TO THE SYNOD OF DORT AND THE EXECUTION OF BARNEVELDT.
Spinola proposes to invade the United Provinces. — Successfully opposed
by Prince Maurice.— The Dutch defeated at Sea.— Desperate Conduct
of Admiral Klagoon.— Great naval Victory of the Dutch, and Death
of their Admiral Heemskirk. — Overtures of the Archdukes for Peace.
— How received in Holland. — Prudent Conduct of Barneveldt. — Nego-
tiations opened at the Hague.— John de Neyen, Ambassador for the
Archdukes.— Armistice for Eight Months.— Neyen attempts to bribe
D'Aarsens, the Greffier of the States-General.— His Conduct disclaimed
by Verreiken, Counsellor to the Archdukes. — Great Prejudices in Hol-
land against King James I. and the English— And Partiality towards
France. — Rupture of the Negotiations. — They are renewed. — Truce for
Twelve Years signed at Antwerp. — Gives great Satisfaction in the
Netherlands. — Important Attitude of the United Provinces. — Conduct
of the Belgian Provinces. — Disputes relative to Cleves and Juliers. —
Prince Maurice and Spinola remove their Armies into the contested
States. — Intestine Troubles in the United Provinces. — Assassination
of Henry IV. of France. — His Character.— Change in Prince Maurice's
Character and Conduct. — He is strenuously opposed by Barneveldt. —
Religious Disputes. — King James enters the Lists of Controversy.—
Barneveldt and Maurice take opposite Sides.— The cautionary Towns
released from the Possession of England. — Consequences of this Event.
— Calumnies against Barneveldt. — Ambitious Designs of Prince Mau-
rice.— He is baffled by Barneveldt. — The Republicassists its Allies with
Money and Ships. — Its great naval Power. — Outrages of some Dutch
Sailors in Ireland. — Unresented by King James. — His Anger at the
manufacturing Prosperity of the United Provinces.— Excesses of the
Gomarists.— The Magistrates call out the National Militia.— Violent
Conduct of Prince Maurice. — Uncompromising Steadiness of Barne-
veldt.—Calumnies against him.— Maurice succeeds to the Title of
Prince of Orange — And Acts with increasing Violence. — Arrest of
Barneveldt and his Friends. — Synod of Dort.— Its Consequences. —
Trio.l, Condemnation, and Execution of Barneveldt. — Grotius and
Hoogerbeets sentenced to perpetual Imprisonment. — Ledenburg com-
mits Suicide 189
CHAP. xvn.
1619—1625.
TO THE DEATH OF PRINCE MAURICE.
The Parties of Arminianism quite subdued. — Emigrations. — Grotius
resolves to attempt an Escape from Prison. — Succeeds in his Attempt.
Xll CONTENTS.
—He repairs to Paris— And piiblislies his " Ajjology."— Expiration of
tlie Twelve Years' Truce.— Death of Philip III. and of the Archduke
Albert. — War in Germany.— Campaign between Prince Maurice and
Spinola. — Conspiracy against the Life of Prince Maurice.— Its Failure.
— Fifteen of the Conspirators executed. — Great Unpopularity of Mau-
rice— Death of Maurice 207
CHAP. XVIII.
1625—1648.
TO THE TREATY OF MUNSTER.
Frederick Henry succeeds his Brother.— Charles I. King of England. —
War between France and England. — Victories of Admiral Hein. —
Brilliant Success of Frederick Henry. — Fruitless Enterprise in Flan-
ders.— Death of the Archduchess Isabella. — Confederacy in Brabant. —
Its Failure, and Arrest of the Nobles. — Ferdinand Prince-Cardinal
Governor-General. — Treaty betueen France and Holland. — Battle of
Avein. — Naval Affairs. — Battle of the Downs. — Van Tromp. — Nego-
tiations for the Marriage of Prince William with the Princess Mary
of England. — Death of the Prince-Cardinal. — Don Francisco de MelJo
Governor-General. — E-attle of Rocroy. — Gallantry of Prince William.
— Death of Cardinal Richelieu and of Louis XIII. — English Politics. —
Affairs of Germany. — Negotiations for Peace. — Financial Embarrass-
ment of the Republic. — The Republic negotiates with Spain. — Last
Exploits of Frederick Henry.— His Death— And Character.— William
II. Stadtholder. — Peace of Munster. — Resentment of Louis XIII. —
Peace of Westphalia. — Review of the Progress of Art, Science, and
Manners.— Literature.— Painting.— Engraving.— Sculpture.— Archi-
tecture.—Finance.— Population.— Commercial Companies.— Manners. 215
CHAP. XIX.
1648—1678.
FROM THE PEACE OF MUNSTER TO THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN.
State of the Republic after the Peace of Munster.— State of England. —
William II. Stadtholder. — His ambitious Designs and Violent Conduct.
— Attempts to seize on Amsterdam. — His Death. — Difierent Sensations
caused by his Death. — The Prerogatives of the Stadtholder assumed by
the People. — Naval W^ar with England. — English Act of Navigation.
—Irish Hostilities.— Death of Tromp.— A Peace with England.— Dis
turbed State of the Republic. — War with Denmark. — Peace concluded.
— Charles II. restored to the English Throne. — Declares War against
Holland. — Naval Actions. — Charles endeavors to excite all Europe
against the Dutch. — His Failure. — Renewed Hostilities. — De Ruyter
defeated. — Peace of Breda. — Invasion of Flanders by Louis XIV. — He
overruns Brabant and Flanders. — Triple League, 1608. — Perfidious
Conduct of Charles II. — He declares War against Holland, &c. as does
Louis XIV. — Unprepared State of United Provinces. — William III.
Prince of Orange. — Appointed Captain-General and High Admiral. —
Battle of Solebay. — The French invade the Republic. — The States-
General implore Peace.— Terms demanded by Louis XIV.— And by
Charles II.— Desperation of the Dutch— The Prince of Orange pro-
CONTENTS. Xlll
clainieil StadtlioUier.— Massacre of the De Witts.— Fine Conduct of
the Prince of Orange.— He takes the Field.— Is reinforced by Spain,
the Emperor, and Brandenburg.— Louis XIV. forced to abandon hia
Conquests.— Naval Actions with the English.— A Peace, 1G74.— Mili-
tary Afl'airs.— Battle of Senef.— Death of De Ruyter.— Congress for
Peace at Nimeguen.— Battle of Mont Cassel.— Marriage of the Prince
of Orange.— Peace of Nimeguen 230
CHAP. XX.
1678—1713.
FROM THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN TO THE PEACE OF OTRECHT.
State of Europe subsequently to the Peace of Nimeguen.— Arrogant
Conduct of Louis XIV.— Truce for Twenty Years.— Death of Charles
II. of England.— League of Augsbourg.— The Conduct of William.—
He invades England.— James II. deposed.— William III. proclaimed
King of England.— King William puts himself at the Head of the Con-
federacy against Louis XIV.— And enters on the War.— 3Iilitary
Operations.— Peace of Ryswick.— Death of Charles II. of Spain.— War
of Succession.— Death of William III.— His Character.— Duke of
Marlborough.— Prince Eugene.— Successes of the Earl of Peterborough
in Spain and Portugal.— Louis XIV. solicits Peace.— Conferences for
Peace.— Peace of Utrecht.— Treaty of the Barrier 246
CHAP. XXI.
1713—1794.
FROM THE PEACE OP UTRECHT TO THE INCORPORATION OF BELGIUM WITH
THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.
duadruple Alliance.— General Peace of Europe.— Wise Conduct of the
Republic— Great Danger from the bad State of the Dikes.— Death of
the Emperor Charles VI. — Maria Theresa Empress. — Her heroic Con-
duct.—Battle of Dettingen.— Louis XV. invades the Netherlands.—
Conferences for Peace at Breda. — Battle of Fontenoy. — William IV.
Stadtholder and Captain-General. — Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. — Death
of the Stadtholder — Who is succeeded by his Son William V. — War of
Seven Years.— State of the Republic— William V. Stadtholder.— Dis-
memberment of Poland. — Joseph II. Emperor. — His attempted Reforms
in Religion. — War with England. — Sea-Fight on the Doggerbank. —
Peace with England, 1784.— Progress of public Opinion in Europe— In
Belgium— And Holland.— Violent Opposition to the Stadtholder.—
Arrest of the Princess of Orange. — Invasion of Holland by the Prus-
sian Army. — Agitation in Belgium. — Vander Noot. — Prince Albert of
Saxe Teschen and the Archduchess Maria Theresa joint Governors-
General. — Succeeded by Count 3Iurray. — Riots. — Meetings of the Pro-
visional States. — General Insurrection. — Vonckists. — Vander Mersch
—Takes the Command of the Insurgents.— His Skilful Conduct.— He
gains the Battle of Turnhout.— Takes Possession of Flanders.- Con-
federation of the Belgian Provinces. — Death of Joseph II. — Leopold
Emperor. — Arrest of Vander Mersch.— Arrogance of the States-Gene-
ral of Belgium. — The Austrians over-run the Country. — Convention at
the Hague.— Death of Leopold.— Battlf of Jennnap{)es,— General Du-
XIV CONTENTS.
mouriez.— Conquest of Belgium by the French.— Recovered by the
Austrians.— The Archduke Charles Governor-General.— War in the
Netherlands.— Duke of York.— The Emperor Francis.— The Battle of
Fleurus.— Incorporation of Belgium with the French Republic-
Peace of Leoben.— Treaty of Campo-Formio 257
CHAP XXII.
1794—1813.
FROM THE INVASION OF HOLLAND BY THE FRENCH TO THE RETURN OF THE
PRINCE OF ORANGE.
Pichegru invades Holland. —Winter Campaign.— The Duke of York
vainly resists the French Army.— Abdication of the Stadtholder.— Ba-
tavian Republic. — War with England. — Unfortunate Situation of
Holland.— Naval Fight.— English Expedition to the Helder.— Napoleon
Bonaparte. — Louis Bonaparte named King of Holland. — His popular
Conduct. — He abdicates the Throne. — Annexation of Holland to the
French Empire — Ruinous to the Prosperity of- the Republic. — The
People desire the Return of the Prince of Orange. — Confederacy to ef-
fect this Purpose. — The Allied Armies advance towards Holland. —
The Nation rises to throw off the Yoke of France. — Count Styrum
and his Associates lead on that Movement — And proclaim the Prince
of Orange— Who lands from England. — His first Proclamation. — His
second Proclamation 269
CHAP. XXIII.
1813—1815.
PROM THE INSTALLATION OF WILLIAM I. AS PRINCE-SOVEREIGN OF THE
NETHERLANDS TO THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.
Rapid Organization of Holland.— The Constitution formed —Accepted
by the People.— Objections made to it by some Individuals.— Inaugu-
ration of the Prince-Sovereign.— Belgium is occupied by the Allies.—
Treaty of Paris.— Treaty of London— Formation of the Kingdom of
the Netherlands. — Basis of the Government. — Relative Character and
Situation of Holland and Belgium. — The Prince-Sovereign of Holland
arrives in Belgium as Governor-General.— The fundamental Law. —
Report of the Commissioners by whom it was framed.— Public Feeling
in Holland — And in Belgium. — The Emperor Napoleon invades France
— And Belgium. — The Prince of Orange takes the Field. — The Duke
of Wellington. — Prince Blucher. — Battle of Ligny. — Battle of Q-uatre
Bras. — Battle of Waterloo. — Anecdote of the Prince of Orange — Who
is wou ided.- Inauguration of the King 288
HISTORY
OP
THE NETHERLANDS.
CHAP. I.
B. c. 50— A. D. 250.
FROM THE INVASION OF THE NETHERLANDS BV THE ROxMANS TO
THE INVASION BY THE SALIAN FRANKS. .
The Netherlands form a kingdom of moderate extent,
situated on the borders of the ocean, opposite to the south-
east coast of England, and stretching from the frontiers of
France to those of Hanover. The country is principally-
composed of low and humid grounds, presenting a vast plain,
irrigated by the waters from all those neighboring states
which are traversed by the Rhine, the Meuse, and the
Scheldt. This plain, gradually rising towards its eastern and
southern extremities, blends on the one hand with Prussia,
and on the other with France. Havmg, therefore, no natural
or strongly marked limits on those sides, the extent of the
kingdom could only be determined by convention ; and it must
be at all times subject to the arbitrary and varying influence
of European policy. Its greatest length, from north to south,
is about 220 English miles; and its breadth, from east to
west, is nearly 140.
Two distinct kinds of men inhabit this kingdom ; the one
occupying the valleys of the Meuse and the Scheldt, and the
high grounds bordering on France, speak a dialect of the
language of that country, and evidently belong to the Gallic
race. They are called Walloons, and are distinguished from
the others by many peculiar qualities. Their most promment
characteristic is a propensity for war, and their principal source
of subsistence the working of their mines. They form nearly
one fourth of the population of the whole kingdom, or about
1,300,000 persons. All the rest of the nation speak Low
German, m its modifications of Dutch and Flemish ; and they
offer the distinctive characteristics of the Saxon race, —
talents for agriculture, navigation, and commerce ; perseve-
rance rather than vivacity ; and more courage tiian taste for
the profession of arms They are subdivided into Flemings,
16 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS.
— those who were the last to submit to the house of Austria ;
and Dutch, — those who formed the republic of the United
Provinces. But there is no difference between these two
.subdivisions, except such as has been produced by political
and religious institutions. Tlie physical aspect of the people
is the same ; and the soil, equally low and moist, is at once
fertilized and menaced by the waters.
The history of this last-mentioned portion of the nation is
completely Imked to that of the soil w^hich they occupy. In
remote times, when the inhabitants of this plain were few
and uncivilized, the country formed but one immense morass,
of which the chief part was incessantly inundated and made
sterile by the waters of the sea. Pliny the naturalist, wdio
visited the northern coasts, has left us a picture of their state
in his days. " There," says he, " the ocean pours in its flood
twice every day, and produces a perpetual uncertamty whe-
ther the country may be considered as a part of the continent
or of the sea. The MTetched mhabitants take refuge on the
sand-hills, or in httle huts, which they construct on the sum-
mits of lofty stakes, w^hose elevation is conformable to that of
the highest tides. When the sea rises, they appear like
navigators ; when it retires, they seem as though they had
been sliipwrecked. They subsist on the fish left by the
refluent w^aters, and w^hich they catch in nets formed of
rushes or sea-weed. Neither tree nor shrub is visible on
these shores. The drink of the people is rain-water, which
they preserve wath great care ; their fuel, a sort of turf,
which they gather and form with the hand. And yet these
unfortunate beings dare to complain against their fate, w^hen
they fall under the power and are mcorporated with the
empire of Rome !"*
The picture of poverty and suffering which this passage
presents, is heightened when joined to a description of the
country. The coasts consisted only of sand-banks or slime,
alternately overflowed or left imperfectly dry. A little
farther inland, trees were to be found, but on a soil so marshy
that an inundation or a tempest threw down whole forests,
such as are still at times discovered at either eight or ten feet
depth below the surface. The sea had no limits ; the rivers
no beds nor banks ; the earth no solidity — for, according to an
author of the third century of our era, there was not, in the
whole of the immense plain, a spot of groimd that did not
yield under the footsteps of man.f
It was not the same in the southern parts, which form at
* Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xvi. t Eumenius, Paneg. Const, Caes.
EARLY STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 17
present the Walloon country. These high grounds suffered
mucli less from the ravages of the waters. The ancient
forest of the Ardennes, extending from the Rhine to the
Scheldt, sheltered a numerous though savage population,
which in all things resembled the Germans, from whom they
derived their descent. The chase and the occupations of
rude agriculture sufficed for the wants of a race less poor and
less patient, but more unsteady and ambitious, than the fish-
ermen of the low lands. Thus it is that history presents us
with a tribe of warriors and conquerors on the southern fron-
tier of the country ; while the scattered inhabitants of the
remaining parts seemed to have fixed there without a con-
test, and to have traced out for themselves, by necessity and
habit, an existence which any other people must have con-
sidered insupportable.
This difference in the nature of the soil and in the fate of
the inhabitants appears more striking, when we consider the
present situation of the country. The high grounds, formerly
so preferable, are now the least valuable part of the kingdom,
even as regards their agriculture ; while the ancient marshes
have been changed by human industry into rich and fertile
tracts, the best parts of which are precisely those conquered
from the grasp of the ocean. In order to form an idea of the
solitude and desolation which once reigned where we now
see the most richly cultivated fields, the most thriving vil-
lages, and the wealthiest towns of the continent, the imagina-
tion must go back to times which have not left one monument
of antiquity and scarcely a vestige of fact.
The history of the Netherlands is, then, essentially that of
a patient and industrious population struggling against every
obstacle which nature could opjxjse to its well-being ; and, in
this contest, man triumphed most completely over the ele-
ments in those places where they offered the greatest resist-
ance. This extraordinary result was due to the hardy stamp
of character imprinted by suffering and danger on those who
had the ocean for their foe ; to the nature of their country,
which presented no lure for conquest ; and, finally, to the tol-
eration, the justice, and the liberty nourished among men
left to themselves, and who found resources in their social
state which rendered change neither an object of tlieir wants
nor wishes.
About half a century before the Christian era, the obscurity
which enveloped the north of Europe began to disperse ; and
the expedition of Julius Caesar gave to the civilized world the
first notions of the Netherlands, Germany, and England.
Cassar, after having subjugated the chief part of Gaul, turned
18 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS.
his arms against the warlike tribes of the Ardennes, who re-
fused to accept his alliance or implore his protection. They
were called Belgge by the Romans ; and at once pronounced
the least civilized and the bravest of the Gauls. Ccesar there
found several ignorant and poor but intrepid clans of war-
riors, who marched fiercely to encounter him ; and, notwith-
standing their inferiority in numbers, in weapons, and in
tactics, they nearly destroyed the disciplined armies of Rome.
They were, however, defeated, and their country ravaged by
the invaders, who found less success when they attacked the
natives of the low grounds. The Menapians, a people who
occupied the present provinces of Flanders and Antwerp,
though less numerous than those whom the Romans had last
vanquished, arrested their progress both by open fight and
by that petty and harassing contest, — that warfare of the
people rather than of the soldiery, — so well adapted to the
nature of the country. The Roman legions retreated for
the first time, and were contented to occupy the higher parts,
which now form the Walloon provinces.*
But the policy of Caesar made greater progress than his
arms. He had rather defeated than subdued those who had
dared the contest. He consolidated his victories without
new battles ; he offered peace to his enemies, in proposing to
them alliance ; and he required their aid, as friends, to carry
on new wars in other lands. He thus attracted towards him,
and ranged under his banners, not only those people situated
to the west of the Rhine and the Mouse, but several other
nations more to the north, whose territory he had never seen ;
and particularly the Batavians — a valiant tribe, stated by va-
rious ancient authors, and particularly by Tacitus, as a frac-
tion of the Catti, who occupied the space comprised between
these rivers.f The young men of these warlike people,
dazzled by the splendor of the Roman armies, felt proud and
happy in being allowed to identify themselves with them.
Caesar encouraged this disposition, and even went so far on
some occasions as to deprive the Roman cavalry of their
horses, on whicli he mounted those new allies, who managed
them better than their Italian riders. He had no reason to
repent these measures : almost all his subsequent victories,
and particularly that of Pharsalia, being decided by the valor
of the auxiliaries he obtained from the Low Countries.t
These auxiliaries were chiefly drawn from Hainault, Lux-
* Osar, Coinm. de Bell. Gall. Dio. Cass. lib. Iv.
1 Berlier, Free. Hist, de lAiicienne Gaule.
t Des Roches. Hist, de la Beleique.
EFFECTS OF THE ROMAN ALLIANCE. 19
embourg-, and the country of the Batavians, and they formed
the best cavalry of the Roman armies, as well as their
choicest light infantry force. The Batavians also signalized
themselves on many occasions, by the skill with which they
swam across several great rivers without breaking their
squadrons' ranks. They were amply rewarded for their
military services and hazardous exploits, and were treated
like staunch and valuable allies. But this unequal connexion
of a mighty empire with a few petty states must have been
fatal to the liberty of the weaker party. Its first effect was
to destroy all feeling of nationality in a great portion of the
population. The young adventurer of this part of the Low
Countries, after twenty years of service under the imperial
eagles, returned to his native wilds a Roman. The generals
of the empire pierced the forests of the Ardennes with cause-
ways, and founded towns in the heart of the country. The
result of such innovations was a total amalgamation of the
Romans and their new allies ; and little by little the national
character of the latter became entirely obliterated. But to
trace now the precise history of this gradual change would
be as impossible as it will be one day to follow the progress
of civilization in the woods of North America.
But it must be remarked, that this metamorphosis affected
only the inhabitants of the high grounds, and the Batavians
(who were in their origin Germans) properly so called. The
scanty population of the rest of the country, endowed with
that fidelity to their ancient customs which characterizes the
Saxon race, showed no tendency to mix with foreigners,
rarely figured in their ranks, and seemed to revolt from the
southern refinement which was so little in harmony with
their manners and ways of life. It is astonishing, at the first
view, that those beings, whose whole existence was a contest
against famine or the waves, should show less inclination
than their happier neighbors to receive from Rome an abun-
dant recompense for their services. But, the greater their
difficulty to find subsistence in their native land, the strong-er
seemed their attachment ; like that of the Switzer to his
barren rocks, or of the mariner to the frail and hazardous
home that bears him afloat on the ocean. This race of patriots
was divided into two separate people. Those to the north of
the Rhine were the Frisons ; those to the west of the Mouse
the Menapians, already mentioned.
The Frisons differed little from those early inhabitants of
the coast, who, perched on their high-built huts, fed on fish
and drank the water of the clouds. Slow and successive im-
provements taught them to cultivate the beans which grew
20 niSTORY OP TIIE NETHERLANDS.
wild among the marshes, and to tend and feed a small and
dea^enerate breed of horned cattle. But if these first steps
towards civilization were slow, they were also sure ; and they
were made by a race of men who could never retrograde in a
career once begun.
The Menapians, equally repugnant to foreign impressions,
made, on their parts, a more rapid progress. They were
already a maritime people, and carried on a considerable
commerce with England. It appears that they exported
thither salt, the art of manufacturing which was well known
to them ; and they brought back in return marl, a most im-
portant commodity for the improvement of their land. They
also understood the preparation of salting meat, with a per-
fection that made it in high repute even in Italy ; and, finally,
we are told by Ptolemy that they had established a colony on
the eastern coast of Ireland, not far from Dublin.*
The two classes of what forms at present the population of
the Netherlands thus followed careers widely different, during
the long period of the Roman power in these parts of Europe.
While those of the high lands and the Batavians distinguished
themselves by a long-continued course of military service or
servitude, those of the plains improved by degrees their
social condition, and fitted themselves for a place in civilized
Europe. The former received from Rome great marks of
favor in exchange for their freedom. The latter, rejecting
the honors and distinctions lavished on their neighbors,
secured their national independence, by trusting to their
industry alone for all the advantages they gradually acquired.
Were the means of protecting themselves and their country
from the inundations of the sea known and practised by these
ancient inhabitants of the coast? or did they occupy only
those elevated points of land which stood out like islands in
the middle of the floods ] These questions are amongst the
most important presented by their history ; since it was the
victorious struggle of a man against the ocean that fixed the
extent and form of the countr}^ It appears almost certain,
that in the time of Ceesar they did not labor at the construc-
tion of dikes, but that they began to be raised during the
obscurity of the following century ; for the remains of ancient
towns are even now discovered in places at present over-
flowed by the sea. These ruins often bring to light traces of
Roman construction, and Latin inscriptions in honor of the
Menapian divinities.f It is, then, certain that they had
learned to imitate those who ruled in the neighboring coun-
* Des Roches. t Memoires de 1' Academic de Middlcbourg.
EFFECTS OP THE ROMAN ALLIANCE. 21
tries: a result by no means surprising; for even Eng-land,
the mart of their commerce, and the nation with which the;y
had the most constant intercourse, was at that period occu
pied by the Romans. But the nature of their country repulsed
so effectually every attempt at foreign domination, that the
conquerors of the world left them unmolested, and established
arsenals and formed communications with Great Britain only
at Boulogne and in the island of the Batavians near Leyden.
This isolation formed in itself a powerful and perfect bar-
rier between the mhabitants of the plain and those of the
high grounds. The first held firm to their primitive customs
and their ancient language : the second finished by speaking
Latin, and borrowing all the manners and usages of Italy.
The moral effect of this contrast was, that the people, once
so famous for their bravery, lost, with their liberty, their
energy and their courage. One of the Batavian chieftains,
named Civilis, formed an exception to this degeneracy, and,
about the year 70 of our era, bravely took up arms for the
expulsion of the Romans. He effected prodigies of valor
and perseverance, and boldly met and defeated the enemy
both by land and sea. Reverses followed his first success,
and he finally concluded an honorable treaty, by which his
countrymen once more became the allies of Rome. But
after this expiring effort of valor, the Batavians, even though
chosen from all nations for the body-guards of the Roman
emperors, became rapidly degenerate ; and when Tacitus
wrote, ninety years after Christ, they were already looked
on as less brave than the Frisons and the other people beyond
the Rhine.* A century and a half later saw them con-
founded with the Gauls; and the barbarian conquerors said,
that " they were not a nation, but merely a p7v?/."f
Reduced into a Roman province, the southern portion of
the Netherlands was at this period called Belgic Gaul ; and
the name of Belgium, preserved to our days, has until lately
been applied to distinguish that part of the country situated
to the south of tlie Rhine and the Mouse, or nearly that
which formed the Austrian Netherlands.
Durmg the establishment of the Roman power in the
north of Europe, observation was not much excited towards
the rapid effects of this degeneracy, compared with the fast-
growing vigor of the people of the low lands. The fact of
the Frisons having, on one occasion, near the year 47 of our
era, beaten a whole army of Romans, had confirmed their
character for intrepidity. But the long stagnation produced
* Tacitus (le Mor, Gernu t Tacit, lib. iv.
22 HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS.
ill these remote countries by the colossal weiglit of the em-
pire, was broken, about the year 250, by an irruption of Ger-
mans or Salian Franks, who, passing the Rhine and the
Meuse, established themselves in the vicinity of the Mena-
pians, near Antwerp, Breda, and Bois-le-duc. All the nations
that had been subjugated by the Roman power appear to
have taken arms on this occasion and opposed the intruders.
But the Menapians united themselves with these new-comers,
and aided them to meet the shock of the imperial armies.
Carausius, originally a Menapian pilot, but promoted to the
command of a Roman fleet, made common cause with his
fellow-citizens, and proclaimed himself emperor of Great
Britam, where the naval superiority of the Menapians left
him no fear of a competitor. In recompense of the assistance
given him by the Franks, he crossed the sea again from his
new empire, to aid them m their war with the Batavians, the
allies of Rome ; and having seized on tlieir islands, and mas-
sacred nearly the whole of its inhabitants, he there estab-
lished his faithful friends the Salians. Constantius and his
son Constantino the Great vainly strove, even after the death
of the brave Carausius, to regain possession of the coimtry :
but they were forced to leave the new inhabitants in quiet
possession of their conquest.
CHAP. n.
250—800.
FROM THE SETTLEMENT OF THE FRANKS TO THE SUBJUGATION OF
FRIESLAND.
From this epoch we must trace the progress of a totally
new and distinct population in the Netherlands. The Bata-
vians being annihilated, almost without resistance, the low
countries contained only the free people of the German race.
But these people did not completely sympathize together so
as to form one consolidated nation. The Salians, and the
other petty tribes of Franlvs, their allies, were essentially
warlike, and appeared precisely the same as the original
inhabitants of the high grounds. The Menapians and the
Frisons, on the contrary, lost nothing of their spirit of com-
merce and industry. The result of this diversity was a separa-
CHARACTER OF THE FRANKS. 23
tion between the Franks and the Menapians. While the
latter, under the name of Armoricaiis, joined themselves
more closely with the people who bordered the Channel,*
the Frisons associated themselves with the tribes settled on
the limits of the German Ocean, and formed with them a
connexion celebrated under the title of the Saxon League.-}-
Thus was formed on all points a union between the maritime
races ag-ainst the inland inhabitants ; and their mutual an-
tipathy became more and more developed, as the decline of
the Roman empire ended the former struggie between liberty
and conquest.
The Netherlands now became the earliest theatre of an
entirely new movement, the consequences of which were
destined to affect the whole world. This country was occu-
pied towards the sea by a people wholly maritime, excepting
the narrow space between the Rhine and the Vahal, of which
the Salian Franks had become possessed. The nature of this
marshy soil, in comparison with the sands of Westphalia,
Guelders, and North Brabant, was not more strikmgly con-
trasted than was the character of their population. The
Franks, who had been for awhile under the Roman sway,
showed a compound of the violence of savage life and the cor-
ruption of civilized society. They were covetous and treach-
erous, but made excellent soldiers : and at this epoch, which
intervened between the power of unperial Rome and that of
Germany, the Frank might be morally considered as a bor-
derer on the frontiers of the middle ages.| The Saxon (and
this name comprehends all the tribes of tlie coast from the
Rhine as far north as Denmark,) uniting in himself the dis-
tinctive qualities of German and navigator, was moderate
and sincere, but implacable in his rage. Neither of these
two races of men were excelled in point of courage ; but the
number of Franks who still entered into the service of the
empire diminished the real force of this nation, and naturally
tended to disunite it. Therefore, in tlie subsequent shock of
people against people, the Saxons invariably gained the final
advantage.
They had no doubt often measured their strength in the
most remote times, since the Franks were but the descend-
ants of the ancient tribes of Sicambers and others, against
whom the Batavians had offered their assistance to Csesar.
Under Augustus, the inhabitants of the coast had in tlie same
way joined themselves with Drusus, to oppose these their old
* Procop. de Bell. Goth. f Van Loon, Alonde Hist.
J Scriptores Minoiura Caesarum, passim.
24 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 49U.
enemies. It was also after havin,^ been expelled by the
Frisons from Gu elders, that the Salians had passed the Rhine
and the Mouse ; but, in the fourth century, the two people
recovering their strength, the struggle recommenced, never
to terminate — at least between the direct descendants of
each. It is believed that it was the Varni, a race of Saxons
nearly connected with those of England, (and coming, like
them, from the coast of Denmark,) who on this occasion struck
the decisive blow on the side of the Saxons. Embarking on
board a numerous fleet, they made a descent in the ancient
isle of the Batavians, at that tune inhabited by the Salians,
whom they completely destroyed.* Julian the Apostate, who
was then with a numerous army pursuing his career of early
glory in these countries, interfered for the purpose of pre-
venting the expulsion, or at least the utter destruction, of the
vanquished : but his efforts were unavailing. The Salians
appear to have figured no more in this part of the Low Coun-
tries.
The defeat of the Salians by a Saxon tribe is a fact on
which no doubt rests. The name of the victors is, however,
questionable,! The Vcn'iii having remained settled near the
mouths of the Rhine till near the year 500, there is strong
probability that they were the people alluded to. But names
and histories, which may on this point appear of such little
importance, acquire considerable interest when we reflect
that these Salians, driven from their settlement, became the
conquerors of France ; that those Saxons who forced them on
their career of conquest were destined to become the masters
of England ; and that these two petty tribes, who battled so
long for a corner of marshy earth, carried with them their
reciprocal antipathy while involuntarily deciding the destmy
of Europe.
The defeat of the Franks was fatal to those people who
had become incorporated with the Romans ; for it was from
them that the exiled wanderers, still fierce in tiieir ruin, and
with arms in their hands, demanded lands and herds ; all, in
short, which they themselves had lost. From the middle of
the fourth century to the end of the fifth, there was a succes-
sion of invasions in this spirit, which always ended by the
subjugation of a part of the country ; and which was com-
pleted about the year 490, by Clovis making himself master
of almost the whole of Gaul.| Under this new empire not a
vestige of the ancient nations of the Ardennes was left. The
* Gibbon, ii. 370. -j- Zosiraus.
X Abr6g6 Chron. Hist, de Fiance.
700. PROGRESS OP THE FRENCH. 25
civilized population either perished or was reduced to slavery,
and all the high grounds were added to the previous con-
quests of the Salians.
But the maritime population, when once possessed of the
whole coast, did not seek to make the slightest progress to-
wards the Ulterior The element of their enterprise and the
object of their ambition was the ocean ; and when this hardy
and intrepid race became too numerous for their narrow lim-
its, expeditions and colonies beyond the sea carried off their
redundant population. The Saxon warriors established them-
selves near the mouths of the Loire ; others, conducted by
Hengist and Horsa, settled in Great Britain. It will always
remain problematical from what point of the coast these ad-
venturers departed ; but many circumstances tend to give
weight to the opinion which pronounces those old Saxons to
have started from the Netherlands.
V Paganism not being yet banished from these countries, the
obscurity which would have enveloped them is in some de-
gree dispelled by the recitals of the monks who went among
them to preach Christianity. We see m those records, and
by the text of some of their early laws, that this maritime
people were more industrious, prosperous, and happy, than
those of France.* The men were handsome and richly
clothed; and the land well cultivated, and abounding in
fruits, milk, and honey. The Saxon merchants carried their
trade far into the southern countries. Li the mean time, the
parts of the Netherlands which belonged to France resembled
a desert. The monasteries which were there founded were
established, according to the words of their charters, amidst
immense solitudes; and the French nobles only came into
, Brabant for the sport of bear-hunting in its interminable
forests. Thus, while the inhabitants of the low lands, as far
back as the light of history penetrates, appear in a continual
state of improvement, those of the high grounds, after fre-
quent vicissitudes, seem to sink into utter degeneracy and
subjugation. The latter wished to denaturalize themselves,
and become as though they were foreigners even on their
native soil ; the former remained firm and faithful to their
country and to each other.
But the growth of French power menaced utter ruin to
this interesting race. Clovis had succeeded, about the year
485 of our era, in destroying the last remnants of Roman
domination in Gaul. The successors of these conquerors soon
extended their empire from the Pyrenees to the Rhme, They
* Acta Sanct. Belgii.
26 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLAINDS. 710.
had continual contests with the free population of the Low
Countries and their nearest neig-hbors. In the commence-
ment of the seventh century, the French king Clotaire II.
exterminated the chief part of the Saxons of Hanover and
Westphalia ; and the historians of those barbarous times unani-
mously relate that he caused to be beheaded every inhabitant
of the vanquished tribes who exceeded the height of his
sword.* . The Saxon name was thus nearly extinguished in
those countries ; and the remnant of these various people adopted
that of Prisons (Friesen,) either because they became really
incorporated with that nation, or merely that they recognized
it for the most powerfiil of their tribes. Friesland, to speak
in the language of that age, extended then from the Scheldt
to the Weser, and formed a considerable state. But the as-
cendency of France was every year becoming more marked ;
and king Dagobert extended the limits of her power even as
far as Utrecht. The descendants of the Menapians, known
at that epoch by the different names of Menapians, Flemings,
and Toxandrians, fell one after another directly or indirectly
under the empire of the Merovingian princes ; and the noblest
family which existed among the French, — that which subse-
quently took the name of Carlovmgians, — comprised in its
dominions nearly the whole of the southern and western parts
of the Netherlands.
Between this family, whose chief was called duke of the
Frontier Marshes, (Dux BrabanticE,) and the free tribes,
united under the common name of Frison-s, the same struggle
was maintained as that which formerly existed between the
Salians and the Saxons. Towards the year 700, the French
monarchy was torn by anarchy, and, under " the lazy kings,"
lost much of its concentrated power; but every dukedom
formed an independent sovereignty, and of all those that of
Brabant was the most redoubtable. Nevertheless the Fri-
sons, under their king Radbod, assumed for a moment the su-
periority ; and Utrecht, where the French had established
Christianity, fell again into the power of the pagans. Charles
Martel, at that time young, and but commencing his splendid
career, was defeated by the hostile king in the forest of the
Ardennes ; and though, in subsequent conquests, he took an
ample revenge, Radbod still remained a powerful opponent.
It is related of this fierce monarch, that he was converted by
a Christian missionary ; but, at the moment in which he put
his foot in the water for the ceremony of baptism, he suddenly
asked the priest, where all his old Frison companions in arms
* Van Loon, Alonde Hist.
719. PINAL CONQUEST OF FRIESLAND. 27
had gone after their death 1 " To hell," replied the priest.
" Well, then," said Radbod, drawing back his foot from the
water, " I woidd rather go to hell with them, than to paradise
wath you and your fellow foreigners ! " and he refused to re-
ceives the rites of baptism, and remained a pagan.*
After the death of Radbod, in 719, Charles Martel, now
become duke of the Franks, mayor of the palace, or by what-
ever other of his several titles he maybe distinguished, finally
triumphed over the long-resisting Frisons. He labored to
establish Christianity among them ; but they did not under-
stand the French language, and the lot of converting them
was consequently reserved for the Eng'lish. St, Willebrod
was the first missionary who met w^th any success, about the
latter end of the seventh century ; but it was not till towards
the year 750 that this great mission was finally accomplish-
ed, by St. Boniface, archbishop of Mayence, and the apostle
of Germany. Yet the progress of Christianity, and the estab-
lishment of a foreign sway, still met the partial resistance
which a conquered but not enervated people are always capa-
ble of opposing to their masters. St. Boniface fell a victim
to this stubborn spirit. He perished a martyr to his zeal, but
perhaps a victim as well to the violent measures of his col-
leagues, in Friesland, the very province w^hich to this day
preserves the name.
The last avenger of Friesland liberty and of the national
idols was the illustrious Witikind, to whom the chronicles of
his country give the title of first azing, or judge. This in-
trepid chieftain is considered as a compatriot, not only by the
historians of Friesland, but by those of Saxony ; both, it would
appear, having equal claims to the honor ; for the union be-
tween the two people was constantly strengthened by inter-
marriages between the noblest families of each. As long as
Witikind remained a pagan and a freeman, some doubt ex-
isted as to the final fate of Friesland ; but when by his con-
version he became only a noble of the court of Charlemagne,
the slavery of his country was consummated.
* Vita Sti. Bonifacii.
28 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 800
CHAP. III.
800—1000.
FROM THE CONQUEST OF FRIESLAND TO THE FORMATION OF HOLLAND.
Even at this advanced epoch of foreig-n domination, there
remained as great a difference as ever between the people of
the high grounds and the inhabitants of the plain. The lat-
ter were, like the rest, incorporated with the great monarchy ;
but they preserved the remembrance of former independence,
and even retained their ancient names. In Flanders, Mena-
pians and Flemings were still found, and in the country of
Antwerp the Toxandrians were not extinct. All the rest of
the coast was still called Friesland. But in the high grounds
the names of the old inhabitants were lost. Nations were
designated by the names of their rivers, forests, or towns.
They were classified as accessories to inanimate things ; and
having no monuments which reminded them of their origin,
they became as it were without recollections or associations ;
and degenerated, as may be almost said, into a people with-
out ancestry.
The physical state of the country had greatly changed
from the times of Caesar to those of Charlemagne. Many
parts of the forest of the Ardennes had been cut down or
cleared away. Civilization had only appeared for awhile
among these woods, to perish like a delicate plant in an un-
genial clhne ; but it seemed to have sucked the very sap from
the soil, and to have left the people no remains of the vigor
of man in his savage state, nor of the desperate courage of
the warriors of Germany. A race of serfs now cultivated the
domains of haughty lords and imperious priests. The clergy
had immense possessions in this country ; an act of the fol-
lowing century recognizes 14,000 families of vassals as be-
longing to the single abbey of Nivelle. Tournay and Tongresu,
both episcopal cities, were by that title somewhat less op-
pressed than the other ancient towns founded by the Romans ;
but they appear to have possessed only a poor and degraded
population.
The low lands, on the other hand, announced a striking
commencement of improvement and prosperity. The marshes
and fens, which had arrested and repulsed the progress of
imperial Rome, had disappeared in every part of the interior.
The Meuse and the Scheldt no longer joined at their out-
lets, to desolate the neighbouring lands ; whether this change
800. COUNTS OF THE EMPIRB. 29
was produced by the labors of man, or merely by the accu-
mulation of sand deposited by either stream and formmg- bar-
riers to both. The towns of Courtraig, Bruges, Ghent, Ant-
werp, Berg-op-zoom, and Thiel, had already a flourisliing-
trade. The last-mentioned town contained in the following-
century fifty-five churches ; a fact from which, in the absence
of other evidence, the extent of the population may be con
jectured. The formation of dikes for the protection of lands
formerly submerged was already well understood, and regu-
lated by uniform custom. The plains thus reconquered from
the waters were distributed in portions, according to their
labor, by those who reclaimed them., except the parts re-
served for the chieftain, the church, and the poor. This vital
necessity for the construction of dikes had given to the Fri-
son and Flemish population a particular liabit of union, good-
will, and reciprocal justice, because it was necessary to make
common cause in this great work for their mutual preserva-
tion. In all other points, the detail of the laws and manners
of this united people presents a picture similar to that of the
Saxons of England, with the sole exception that the people
of the Netherlands were milder than the Saxon race properly
so called — their long habit of laborious industry exercising
its happy influence on the martial spirit original to both. The
manufacturing arts were also somewhat more advanced in
this part of the continent than in Great Britain. The Fri-
sons, for example, were the only people who could succeed
in making the costly mantles in use among the wealthy
Franks.
The government of Charlemagne admitted but one form,
borrowed from that of the empire in the period of its decline
— a mixture of the spiritual and temporal powers, exercised
in the first place by the emperor, and at second-hand by the
counts and bishops. The counts in those times were not the
heads of noble families, as they afterwards became, but offi-
cers of the government, removable at will, and possessing
no hereditary rights. Their incomes did not arise from sala-
ries paid in money, but consisted of lands, of which they had
the revenues during the continuance of their authority.
These lands being situated in the limits of their administra-
tion, each regarded them as his property only for tlic time
being, and considered himself as a tenant at will. How un
favorable such a system was to culture and improvement may
be well imagined. The force of possession was, however,
frequently opposed to the seigniorial rights of the crown ; and
thus, though all civil dignity and the revenues attached to it
were but personal and reclaimable at will, still many dignita-
30 HISTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 800.
ries, taking- advantage of the barbarous state of the country
in which their isolated cantons were placed, sought by every
possible means to render their power and prerogatives unali-
enable and real. The force of the monarchical government,
which consists mainly in its centralization, was necessarily
weakened by the intervention of local obstacles, before it
could pass from the heart of the empire to its limits. Thus
it was only by perpetually interposing his personal efforts,
and flying, as it were, from one end to the other of his do-
minions, that Charlemagne succeeded in preserving his au-
thority. As for the people, without any sort of guarantee
against the despotism of the government, they were utterly
at the mercy of the nobles or of the sovereign. But this state
of servitude was quite incompatible with the union of social
powers necessary to a population that had to struggle against
the tyranny of the ocean. To repulse its attacks with suc-
cessful vigor, a spirit of complete concert was absolutely re-
quired ; and the nation being thus united, and consequently
strong, the efforts of foreign tyrants were shattered by its
resistance, as the waves of the sea that broke against the
dikes by which it was defied.
From the time of Charlemagne, the people of the ancient
Menapia, now become a prosperous commonwealth, formed
political associations to raise a barrier against the despotic
violence of the Franks. These associations were called Gil-
den^ and in the Latin of the times Gildonia. They comprised,
besides their covenants for mutual protection, an obligation
which bound every member to give succor to any other, in
cases of illness, conflagration, or shipwreck. But the grow-
ing force of these social compacts alarmed the quick-sighted
despotism of Charlemagne, and they were, consequently,
prohibited both by him and his successors. To give a notion
of the importance of this prohibition to the whole of Europe,
it is only necessary to state that the most ancient corporations
(all which had preceded and engendered the most valuable
municipal rights) were nothing more than gilden. Thus, to
draw an example from Great Britain, the corporative charter
of Berwick still bears the title of Charta Gildonia:. But the
])an of the sovereigns was without efficacy, when opposed to
the popular will. The gilden stood their ground ; and within
a century after the death of Charlemagne, all Flanders was
covered with corporate towns.
This popular opposition took, however, another form in the
northern parts of the country, which still bore the common
name of Friesland ; for there it was not merely local but
national. The Frisons succeeded in obtaining the sanction
800. PRIVILEGES OF THE PRISONS. 31
of the monarch to consecrate, as it were, those rights which
were established under the ancient forms of government.
The fact is undoubted ; but the means which they employed
are uncertain. It appears most probable that this great privi-
lege was the price of their military services ; for they held
a high place in the victorious armies of Charlemagne ; and
Turpin, the old French romancer, alluding to the popular
traditions of his time, represents the warriors of Friesland
as endowed with the most heroic valor.*
These rights, which the Frisons secured, according to their
own statements, from Charlemagne, but most undoubtedly
from some one or other of the earliest emperors, consisted,
first, in the freedom of every order of citizens; secondly, in
the right of property, — a right which admitted no authority
of the sovereign to violate by confiscation, except in cases
of downright treason ; thirdly, in the privilege of trial by
none but native judges, and according to their national
usages ; fourthly, in a very narrow limitation of the military-
services which they owed to the king ; fifthly, in the heredi-
tary title to feudal property, in direct line, on payment of
certam dues or rents. These five principal articles sufficed
to render Friesland, in its political aspect, totally different
from the other portions of the monarchy. Their privileges
secured, their property inviolable, their duties limited, the
Frisons were altogether free from the servitude which
weighed down France. It will soon be seen that these spe-
cial advantages prodviced a government nearly analogous to
that which Magna Charta was the means of founding at a
later period in England.
The successors of Charlemagne chiefly signalized their
authority by lavishing donations of all kinds on the church.
By such means the ecclesiastical power became greater and
greater, and, in those countries under the sway of France,
was quite as arbitrary and enormous as that of the nobility.
The bishops of Utrecht, Liege, and Tournay, became, in the
course of time, the chief personages on that line of the fron-
tier. They had the great advajitage over the counts, of not
being subjected to capricious or tyrannical removals. ' They
therefore, even in civil affairs, played a more considerable
part than the latter ; and be^an to render themselves more
and more independent in their episcopal cities, which were
soon to become so many principalities. The counts, on their
parts, used their best exertions to wear out, if they had not
the strength to break, the chains which bound them to the
* Oiido Vricschp Wetten, hook ii.
32 HISTORY OF THE np:therlands. 864
footstool of the monarch. They were not all now dependent
on the same sovereig^n ; for the empire of Charlemagne was
divided among his successors: France, properly so called,
was bounded by the Scheldt ; the country to the eastward of
that river, that is to say, nearly the whole of the Netherlands,
belonged to Lorraine and Germany.
In this state of things, it happened that in the year 864,
Judith, daughter of Charles the Bald king of France, having
survived her husband Ethelwolf king of England, became
attached to a powerful Flemish chieftain called Baldwin. It
is not quite certain whether he was count, forester, marquis,
or protector of the frontiers ; but he certainly enjoyed, no
matter under what title, considerable authority in the coun-
try ; since the pope on one occasion wrote to Charles the
Bald to beware of offending him, lest he should join the Nor-
mans, and open to them an entrance into France. He carried
off Judith to his possessions in Flanders. The king her
father, afler many ineffectual threats, was forced to consent
to their union ; and confirmed to Baldwin, with the title of
count, the hereditary government of all the country between
the Scheldt and the Somme, a river of Picardy. This was
the commencement of the celebrated county of Flanders ;
and this Baldwin is designated in history by the surname of
Bras-de-fer (iron-handed,) to which his courage had justly
entitled him.
The Belgian historians are also desirous of placing about
this epoch the first counts of Hainault, and even of Holland.
But though it may be true that the chief families of each
canton sought then, as at all times, to shake off the yoke, the
epoch of their independence can only be fixed at the later
period at which they obtained or enforced the privilege of not
being deprived of their titles and their feudal estates. The
counts of the high grounds, and those of Friesland, enjoyed
at the utmost but a fortuitous privilege of continuance in
their rank. Several foreigners had gained a footing and an
authority in the country: among others Wickmand, from
whom descended the chatelains of Ghent ; and the counts of
Holland, and Heriold, a Norman prince who had been ban-
ished from his own country. This name of Normans, hardly
known before the time of Charlemagne, soon became too
celebrated. It designated the pagan inhabitants of Denmark,
Norway, and Sweden, who, driven by rapacity and want, in-
fested the neighboring seas. The asylum allowed in the do-
minions of the emperors to some of those exiled outlaws,
and the imprudent provocations given by these latter to their
adventurous countrvmen, attracted various bands of Norman
891. l]VVASIOrsS by the >OK3IAXri. 33
pirates to the shores of Guelders ; and from desultory descents
upon the coast, they soon came to inundate the interior of
the country. Flanders alone successfully resisted them during-
the life of Baldwin Bras-de-fer ; but after the death of this
brave cliieftain there was not a province of the whole country
that was not ravag-ed by these invaders. Their multiplied
expeditions threw back tlie Netherlands at least two centu-
ries, if, indeed, any calculation of the kind may be fairly
formed respecthig- the relative state of population and im-
provement on the imperfect data that are left us. Several
cantons became deserted. The chief cities were reduced to
heaps of ruins. The German emperors vainly interposed for
the relief of their unfortunate vassals. Finally, an agree-
ment was entered into, in the year 882, with Godfrey the
king or leader of the Normans, by which a peace was pur-
chased on condition of paying- him a large subsidy, and ceding-
to him the government of Friesland. But, in about two years
from this period, the fierce barbarian began to complain that
the country he had thus gained did not produce grapes, and
the present inspiration of his rapacity seemed to be the
blooming vineyards of France. The emperor Charles the
Fat, anticipating the consequence of a rupture with Godfrey,
enticed him to an interview, in wiiich he caused him to be
assassinated. His followers, attacked on all points by the
people of Friesland, perished almost to a man ; and their de-
struction was completed, in 891, by Arnoul the Germanic.
From that period, the scourge of Norman depredation became
gradually less felt. They now made but short and desultory
attempts on the coast ; and their last expedition appears to
have taken place about the year 1000, when they threatened,
but did not succeed in seizing on, the city of Utrecht.
It is remarkable that, although for the space of 150 years the
Netherlands were continually the scene of invasion and devas-
tation by these northern barbarians, the political state of the
country underwent no important changes. The emperors
of Germany were sovereigns of the whole country, with the
exception of Flanders. These portions of the empire were
still called Lorraine, as well as all which they possessed of
what is now called France, and which was that part forming
the appanage of Lothaire and of the Lotheringian kings.
The great difficulty of maintaming subordination among
the numerous chieftains of this country caused it, in 958,
to be divided into two governments, which were called
Higher and Lower Lorraine. TJie latter poition comprised
nearly the whole of the Netherlands, which thus became
governed by a lieutenant of the emperors. Godfrey count
34 HISTORY OF THE iVETHERLANDS. 990.
of Ardeniie was the first who filled this place ; and he soon
felt all the perils of the situation. The other counts saw,
with a jealous eye, their equal now promoted into a superior.
Two of the most powerful, Lambert and Reg-inald, were
brothers. They made common cause ag-ainst the new duke;
and after a desperate strug-g-le, which did not cease till the
year 985, they g-ained a species of imperfect independence, —
Lambert becoming tl:e root from which sprang- the counts
of Louvain, and Reginald that of the counts of Hainault.
The emperor Othon II. who upheld the authority of his
lieutenant Godfrey, became convinced that the imperial
power was too weak to resist singly the opposition of the
nobles of the country. He had therefore transferred, about
the year 980, the title of duke to a young prince of the royal
house of France ; and we thus see the duchy of Lower Lor-
raine governed, in the name of the emperor, by the last two
shoots of the branch of Charlemagne, the dukes Charles and
Othon of France, son and grandson of Louis d'Outremer.
The first was a gallant prince : he may be looked on as the
founder of the greatness of Brussels, where he fixed his resi-
dence. After several years of tranquil government, the
death of his brother called him to the throne of France; and
from that time he bravely contended for the crown of his an-
cestors, against the usurpation of Hugues Capet, whom he
frequently defeated in battle : but he was at length treach-
erously surprised and put to death, in 990. Othon, his son,
did not signalize his name nor justify his descent by any
memorable action ; and in him ingloriously perished the
name of the Carlovingians.
The death of Othon set the emperor and the great vassals
once more in opposition. The German monarch insisted on
naming some creature of his own to the dignity of duke ;
but Lambert II. count of Louvain, and Robert count of
Namur, having married the sisters of Othon, respectively
claimed the right of inheritance to his title. Baldwin of the
comely beard, count of Flinders, joined himself to their
league, hoping to extend his power to the eastward of the
Scheldt. And, in fact, tlie emperor, as the only means of
disuniting his two jjowerful vassals, felt himself obliged to
cede Valenciennes and the islands of Zealand to Baldwin.
The imperial power thus lost ground at every struggle.*
Amid the confusion of these events, a power well calcu-
lated to rival or even supplant that of the fierce counts was
growing up. Many circumstances were combined to ey-
'rit, Com, HoU. torn. i. p. 2,
1013. INFLUENCE OF THE BISHOPS. 35
tend and consolidate the episcopal sway. It is true that the
bishops of Tournay had no temporal authority, since the pe-
riod of their city being- ruined by the Normans. But those
of Liege and Utrecht, and more particularly the latter, had
accumulated immense possessions; and their power being-
inalienable, they had nothing to fear from the caprices of
sovereign favor, which so oft^ n ruined the families of the
aristocracy. Those bishops, who were warriors and hunts-
men rather than ecclesiastics, possessed, liowever, in addi-
tion to the lance and the sword, the terrible artillery of ex-
communication and anathema, which they thundered forth
without mercy against every laical opponent : and when
they had, by conquest or treachery, acquired new dominions
and additional store of wealth, they could not portion it
among their children, like the nobles, but it devolved to
their successors, who thus became more and more powerful,
and gained by degrees an authority almost royal, like that
of the ecclesiastical elector of Germany.
Whenever the emperor warred against his lay vassals, he
was sure of assistance from the bishops, because they were
at all times jealous of the power of the counts, and had much
less to gain from an alliance with them than with the impe-
rial despots on whose donations they throve, and who repaid
their efforts by new privileges and extended possessions. So
that when the monarch, at length, lost the superiority in his
contests with the counts, little was wanting to make his
authority be merged altogether in the overgrown power of
these churchmen. Nevertheless, a first effort of the bishop
of Liege, to seize on the rights of the count of Louvain,
in 1013, met with a signal defeat, in a battle which took
place at the little village of Stongarde.* And five years
later, the count of the Friesland marshes (comes Frisonum
Morsatenorum) gave a still more severe lesson to the bishop
of Utrecht. This last merits a more particular mention,
from the nature of the quarrel and the importance of its
results.
* Ann. Due. Brab. torn. i.
36 HISTORY OF THE NETHEKLAKDS. lOlH
CHAP. IV.
1018—1384.
FROM THK FORMATION OF HOLLAND TO THE DEATH OF LOUIS DE MALE
The district in which Dordrecht is situated, and the
grounds in its environs which are at present submerged,
formed in those times an island just raised above the waters,
and which was called Holland or Holtland, (which means
ivooded land, or, according- to some, hollow land.) The for-
mation of this island, or rather its recovery from the waters,
being only of recent date, the right to its possession was
more disputable than that of long-established countries. All
the bishops and abbots whose states bordered the Rhine and
the Mouse had, being equally covetous and grasping, and
mutually resolved to pounce on the proy, made it their com-
mon property. A certain count Thierry, descended from the
counts of Ghent, governed about this period the western ex-
tremity of Friesland, — the country which now forms the prov-
ince of Holland ; and with much difficulty maintained his
power against the Frisons, by whom his right was not ac-
knowledged. Beaten out of his own territories by these re-
fractory insurgents, he sought refuge in the ecclesiastical
island, where he intrenched himself, and founded a town
which is believed to have been the origin of Dordrecht.
This count Thierry, like all the feudal lords, took advan-
tage of his position to establish and levy certain duties on all
the vessels which sailed past his territory, dispossessing in
the mean time some vassals of the church, and beating, as we
have stated, the bishop of Utrecht himself Complaints and
appeals witliout number were laid at the foot of the imperial
throne. Godfrey of Eenham, whom .'.le emperor had created
duke of Lower Lorraine, was commanded to call the whole
country to arms. The bishop of Liege, though actually dying,
put himself at the head of the expedition, to revenge his bro-
ther prelate, and punish the audacious spoiler of the church
property. But Thierry and his fierce Frisons took Godfrey
prisoner, and cut his army in pieces. The victor had the
good sense and moderation to spare his prisoners, and set
them free without ransom. He received in return an impe-
rial amnesty ; and from that period the count of Holland and
his posterity formed a barrier, against which the ecnlesispfi-
1066. COMMERCE OF FLANDERS. 37
cal power and tlie remains of the imperial supremacy con-
tinually strug-g-led, to be only shattered in each new assault.*
As the partial independence of the great vassals became
consolidated, the monarchs were proportionally anxious to
prevent its perpetuation in the same families. In pursuance
of this system, Godfrey of Eenham obtained the preference
over the counts Lambert and Robert ; and Frederick of Lux-
embourg was named duke of Lower Lorraine in 1046, in-
stead of a second Godfrey who was nephew and expectant
heir to the first. But this Godfrey, upheld by Baldwin of
Flanders, forced the emperor to concede to him the inherit-
ance of the dukedom. Baldwin secured for his share the
country of Alost and Waas, and the citadel of Ghent ; and
he also succeeded in obtainmg in marriage for his son the
countess Richilde, heiress of Hainault and Namur. Thus
was Flanders incessantly gaining new aggrandizement, while
the duchy of Lorraine was crumbling away on every side.
In the year 1066 this state of Flanders, even then flourish-
ing and powerful, furnished assistance both in men and ships
to William the Bastard of Normandy, for the conquest of
England. William was son-in-law to count Baldwin, and
recompensed the assistance of his wife's father by an annual
payment of three hundred silver marks. It was Mathilda,
the Flemish princess and wife of the conqueror, who worked
with her own hands the celebrated tapestry of Bayeux, on
which is embroidered the whole history of the conquest, and
which is the most curious monument of the state of the arts
in that age.
Flanders acquired a positive and considerable superiority
over all the other parts of the Netherlands, from the first es-
tablishment of its counts or earls. The descendants of Bald-
win Bras-de-fer, after having valiantly repulsed the Normans
towards the end of the ninth century, showed themselves
worthy of ruling over an industrious and energetic people.
They had built towns, cut down and cleared away forests,
and reclaimed inundated lands : above all things, they had
understood and guarded against the danger of parcelling out
their states at every succeeding generation ; and the county
of Flanders passed entire into the hands of the first-born of
the family. The stability produced by this state of things
had allowed the people to prosper. The Normans now visit-
ed the coasts, not as enemies but as merchants ; and Bruges
became the mart of the booty acquired by these bold pirates
* John Ejjmont, an old chronicler, says, that the counts of Holland were
♦a PworJ ill the flanks of the bishops of Utrecht."
Jj8 IITSTOKY OF JIIE NETHEKLAJVDS. 1071.
in England and on the high seas. The fislicries had bci^un
to acquire an importance sufficient to establish the herring
as one of the chief aliments of the population. Maritime
commerce had made sucli strides, that Spain and Portugal
were well known to both sailors and traders, and the voyage
from Flanders to Lisbon was estimated at fifteen days' sail.
Woollen stufl's formed the principal wealth of the country ;
but salt, corn, and jewellery, were also important branches
of traffic ; while the youth of Flanders were so famous for
their excellence in all martial pursuits, that foreign sovereigns
were at all times desirous of obtaining bodies of troops from
this nation.
The greatest part of Flanders was attached, as has been
seen, to the kmg of France, and not to Lorraine ; but the de-
pendence was little more than nominal. In 1071 the king
of France attempted to exercise his authority over the coun-
try, by naming to the government the same countess Richilde
who had received Hainault and Namur for her dower, and
who was left a widow, with sons still in their minority. The
people assembled in the principal towns, and protested against
this intervention of the French monarch. But we must re-
mark, that it was only the population of the low lands (whose
sturdy ancestors had ever resisted foreign domination) that
now took part in this opposition.* The vassals which the
counts of Flanders possessed in the Gallic provinces (the high
grounds,) and in general all the nobility, pronounced strongly
for submission to France ; for the principles of political free-
dom had not yet been fixed in the minds of the inhabitants
of those parts of the country. But the lowlanders joined to-
gether under Robert, surnamed the Frison, brother of the
deceased count ; and they so completely defeated the French,
the nobles and their unworthy associates of the high ground,
that they despoiled the usurping countess Richilde of even
her hereditary possessions. In this v;ar perished the cele-
brated Norman William Fitz-Osborn, who had flown to the
succor of the defeated countess, of whom he was enamoured.
Robert the Frison, not satisfied with having beaten the
king of France and the bishop of Liege, restored in 1076 the
grandson of Thierry of Holland in the possessions which had
been forced from him by the duke of Lower Lorraine, in the
name of the emperor and the bishop of Utrecht : so that it
was this valiant chieftain, who, above all others, is entitled
to the praise of having successfully opposed the system of
foreign domination on all the principal points of the country.
* Van Praet, Urigine des Communes de Flandres.
lOSO. STATE r,v Tin: FRIS0\S. Hi)
Four years later, Otlion of Nassau was the first to imite in
one county the various cantons of Gueklers. Finally, in
1086, Henry of Louvain, the direct descendant of Lambert,
joined to his title that of count of Brabant ; and from this pe-
riod the country was partitioned pretty nearly as it was des-
tined to remain for several centuries.
In the midst of this gradual org-anization of the various
counties, history for some time loses sig-ht of those Frisons,
the maritime people of the north, who ifook little part in the
civil wars of two centuries. But still there was no portion
of Europe which at that time offered a finer picture of social
improvement than these damp and unhealthy coasts. The
name of Frisons extended from the Weser to the westward
of the Zuyder Zee, but not quite to the Rhine ; and it be-
came usual to consider no lonn^er as Frisons the subjects of
the counts of Holland, whom we may now begin to distinguish
as Hollanders or Dutch. The Frison race alone refused to
recognize the sovereign counts. They boasted of being self-
governed ; owning no allegiance but to the emperor, and
regarding the counts of his nomination as so many officers
charged to require obedience to the laws of the country, but
themselves obliged in all things to respect them. But the
counts of Holland, the bishops of Utreclit, and several Ger-
man lords, dignified from time to time with the title of counts
of Friesland, insisted that it carried with it a personal au-
thority superior to that of the sovereign they represented.
The descendants of the count Thierry, a race of men remark-
ably warlike, were the most violent in this assumption of
power. Defeat after defeat, however, punished their obsti-
nacy ; and numbers of those princes met death on the pikes
of their Frison opponents. The latter had no regular lead-
ers ; but at the approach '^f the enemy the inhabitants of each
canton flew to arms, like Lhe members of a single family ;
and all the feudal forces brought against them failed to sub-
due this popular militia.
The frequent result of these collisions was the refusal of
the Frisons to recognize any authority whatever but that of
the national judges. Each canton was governed according
to its own laws. If a difficulty arose, the deputies of the na-
tion met together on the borders of the Ems, in a place called
"the Trees of Upstal" {Vpstall-boomen,) where three old
oaks stood in the middle of an immense plam. In this primi-
tive council-place chieftains were chosen who, on swearing
to maintain the laws and oppose the common enemy, were
invested with a limited and temporary authority.
It does not appear tliat Friesland possessed any large
40 HISTORY or THE AETIfKHLAXDri. ] OSO.
towns, with the exception of Staveren. In this respect tiic
Frisons resembled those ancient Germans who had a horror
of shutting themselves up within walls.* They lived in a
way completely patriarchal ; dwellinja: in isolated cabins, and
with habits of the utmost frugality. We read in one of their
old histories, that a whole convent of Benedictines was terri-
fied at the voracity of a German sculptor who was repairing
their chapel. They implored him to look elsewhere for his
food ; for that he and his sons consumed enough to exliaust
the whole stock of the monastery.f
In no part of Europe was the good sense of the people so
effectively opposed to the unreasonable practices of Catholic-
ism in those days. The Frisons successfully resisted the pay-
ment of tithes ; and as a punishment (if the monks are to be
believed) the sea inflicted upon them repeated inundations.
They forced their priests to marry, saying that the man who
had no wife necessarily sought for the wife of another. They
acknowledged no ecclesiastical decree, if secular judges, dou-
ble the number of the priests, did not bear a part in it.| Thus
the spirit of liberty burst forth in all their proceedings, and
they were justified in calling themselves Vri- Vricsen, Free-
Frisons.
No nation is more interested than England in the exami-
nation of all that concerns this remote corner of Europe, so
resolute in its opposition to both civil and religious tyranny :
for it was there that those Saxon institutions and principles
were first developed without constraint, while the tune of
their establishment in England was still distant. Restrained
by our narrow limits, we can merely indicate this curious
state of things ; nor may we enter on many mysteries of so-
cial government which the most learned find a difficulty in
solving. What were the rights of the nobles in their con-
nexion with these freemen ] What ties of reciprocal inter-
est bound the different cantons to each other ? What were
the privileges of the towns 1 — These are the minute but im-
portant points of detail which are overshadowed by the grand
and imposing figure of the national independence. But in
fact, the emperors themselves, in these distant times, had
little knowledge of this province, and spoke of it vaguely, and
as it were at random, in their diplomas, the chief monuments
of the history of the middle ages. The counts of Holland and
the apostolic nuncios addressed their acts and rescripts indis-
criminately to the nobles, clergy, magistrates, judges, con-
* Gibbon, ii 360. \ Chron. Mencoiiis Abb. in Weium.
I Oude Vriesche Wetten, Decl. 1.
1080. Tni:iii J'olitioal ix.stitutioxs. 41
suls, or commons of Friesland. Sometimes appeared in those
documents the vague and imposin^r title of " the great Pri-
son," applied to some popular leader. All this confusion tends
to prove, on the authority of the historians of the epoch, and
the charters so carefully collected by the learned,* that this
question, now so impossible to solve, was even then not right
ly understood, — what were really those fierce and redoubtabl
Frisons in their popular and political relations 1 The fact is,
that liberty was a matter so difficult to be comprehended by
the writers of those times, that Froissart gave as his opinion,
about the year 1380, that the Frisons were a most unreason-
able race, for not recognizing the authority and power of the
great lords.
The eleventh century had been for the Netherlands (with
the exception of Friesland and Flanders) an epoch of organi-
zation ; and had nearly fixed the political existence of the
provinces, which were so long confounded in the vast posses-
sions of the empire. It is therefore important to ascertain
under what influence and on what basis these provinces be-
came consolidated at that period. Holland and Zealand,
animated by the spirit which we may fairly distinguish under
the mingled title of Saxon and maritime, countries scarcely
accessible, and with a vigorous population, possessed, in the
descendants of Thierry I., a race of national chieftains who
did not attempt despotic rule over so unconquerable a peo-
ple. In Brabant, the maritime towns of Berg-op-Zoom and
Antwerp formed, in the Flemish style, so many republics,
small but not insignificant ; while the southern parts of the
province were under the sway of a nobility who crushed,
trampled on, or sold their vassals at their pleasure or caprice.
The bishopric of Liege offered also the same contrast ; the
domains of the nobility being governed with the utmost
harshness, while those prince-prelates lavished on their ple-
beian vassals privileges which might have been supposed
the fruits of generosity, were it not clear that the object was
to create an opposition in the lower orders against the turbu-
lent aristocracy, whom they found it impossible to manage
single-handed. The wars of these bishops against the petty
nobles, who made their castles so many receptacles of rob-
bers and plunder, were thus the foundation of public liberty.
And it appears tolerably certain that the Paladins of Ariosto
v/ere in reality nothing more than those brigand chieftains of
the Ardennes, whose ruined residences preserve to this day
the names which the poet borrowed from the old romance
* F. Van Mieris, Qroot Chaiterbnek van HoII. Zeel. en Vripsland.
4si IIISTOKY OF THE NETIIKKLANDS. ] 200.
writers. But in all the rest of the Netherlands, excepting
the provinces already mentioned, no form of government ex-
isted, but that fierce feudality which reduced the people into
serfs, and turned the social state of man into a cheerless
waste of bondage.
It was then that the crusades, with wild and stirring fa-
naticism, agitated, in the common impulse given to all Eu-
rope, even those little states which seemed to slumber in
their isolated independence. Nowhere did the voice of Peter
the Hermit find a more sympathizing echo than in these
lands, still desolated by so many intestine struggles. Godfrey
of Bouillon, duke of Lower Lorraine, took the lead in this
chivalric and religious frenzy. With him set out the counts
of Hainault and Flanders; the latter of whom received from
the English crusaders the honorable appellation of Fitz St.
George. But although the valor of all these princes was
conspicuous, from the foundation of the kingdom of Jerusalem
by Godfrey of Bouillon in 1098, until that of the Latin em-
pire of Constantinople by Baldwin of Flanders in 1203, still
tlie simple gentlemen and peasants of Friesland did not less
distinguish themselves. They were, on all occasions, the
first to mount tlie breach or lead the charge ; and the pope's
nuncio found himself forced to prohibit the very women of
Friesland from embarking for the Holy Land — so anxious
were they to share the perils and glory of their husbands and
brothers in combating the Saracens.
The outlet g"iven by tlie crusaders to the over-boiling
ardor of these warlike countries, was a source of infinite ad-
vantage to their internal economy : under the rapid progress
of civilization, the population increased and the fields were
cultivated. The nobility, reduced to moderation by the en-
feebling consequences of extensive foreign wars, became com-
paratively impotent in their attempted efforts against domes-
tic freedom. Those of Flanders and Brabant, also, were
almost decimated m the terrible l)attle of Bouvines, fought
between the emperor Otlion and Philip Augustus king of
France. On no occasion, however, had this reduced but
not degenerate nobility shown more heroic valor. The
Flemish knights, disdaining to mount their horses or form
their ranks for the repulse of the French cavalry, composed
of common persons, contemptuously received their shock on
foot and in the disorder of individual resistance. The brave
Buridan of Ypres led his comrades to the fight, with the
chivalric war-cry, " Let each now think of her he loves !"
But the issue of this battle was ruinous to the Belgians, in
consequence of the bad generalship of the emperor, who had
1200. PROGRESS OF FKEED03I. 43
divided his army into small portions, whicli were defeated in
detail.
While the nobility thus declined, the towns began rapidly
to develop the elements of popular force. In 1120, a Flem-
ish knight who might descend so far as to marry a woman
of the plebeian ranks incurred the penalty of degradation and
servitude.* In 1220, scarcely a serf was to be found in all
Flanders.f In 1300, the chiefs of the gilden, or trades, were
more powerful than the nobles. These dates and these facts
must suffice to mark the epoch at whicli the great mass of
the nation arose from the wretchedness in which it was
plunged by the Norman invasion, and acquired sufficient
strength and freedom to form a real political force. But it is
remarkable that tlie same results took place in all the coun-
ties or dukedoms of the Lowlands precisely at the same pe-
riod. In fact, if we start from the year 1200 on this inter-
esting inquiry, we sliall see the commons attacking, in the
first place the petty feudal lords, and next the counts and the
dukes themselves, as often as justice was denied them. In
1257, the peasants of Holland and the burghers of Utrecht
proclaimed freedom and equality, drove out the bishop and
the nobles, and began a memorable struggle which lasted full
two hundred years. In 1260, the towns-people of Flanders
appealed to the king of France against the decrees of their
count, who ended the quarrel by the loss of his county. In
1303, Mechlin and Louvain, the chief towns of Brabant, ex-
pelled the patrician families. A coincidence like this cannot
be attributed to trifling or partial causes, such as the miscon-
duct of a single count, or other local evil ; but to a great
general movement in the popular mind, the progress of agri-
culture and industry in the whole country, superinducing an
increase of wealth and intelligence, which, when unrestrain
ed by the influence of a corrupt government, must naturallj
lead to the liberty and the happiness of a people.
The weaving of woollen and linen cloths was one of the
chief sources of this growing prosperity. A prodigious quan-
tity of cloth and linen was manufactured in all parts of the
Netherlands. The maritime prosperity acquired an equal
increase by the carrying trade, both in imports and exports.
Whole fleets of Dutch and Flemish merchant-ships repaired
regularly to the coasts of Spain and Languedoc. Flanders
was already become the great market for England and all
* Vita Caroli boni.
t The countess Jane had enfranchised all those belonging to her as early
s U^.l.— Vrcdii SifT. Com. Fl.
44 lllS'J'OKV t»l TlIJi: AETIIERLANDS. 1200
the north of Europe. The great increase of population forced
all parts of the country into cultivation ; so much so, that
lands were in those times sold at a high price, which are to-
day left waste from imputed sterility.
Legislation naturally followed the movements of those
positive and material interests. The earliest of the towns,
after the invasion of the Normans, were in some degree but
places of refuge. It was soon, however, established that the
regular inhabitants of these bulwarks of the country should
not be subjected to any servitude beyond their care and de-
fence ; but the citizen who might absent himself for a long-er
period than forty days was considered a deserter and de-
prived of his rights. It was about the year 1100 that the
commons began to possess the privilege of regulating their
internal affairs : they appointed their judges and magistrates,
and attached to their authority the old custom of ordering all
the citizens to assemble or march when the summons of the
feudal lord sounded the signal for their assemblage or ser-
vice. By this means each municipal magistracy had the
disposal of a force far superior to those of the nobles, for the
population of the towns exceeded both in number and disci-
pline the vassals of the seigniorial lands. And these train-
ed bands of the towns made war in a way very different from
that hitherto practised ; for the chivalry of the country,
making the trade of arms a profession for life, the feuds of
the chieftains produced hereditary struggles, almost always
slow, and mutually disastrous. But the townsmen, forced
to tear themselves from every association of home and its
manifold endearments, advanced boldly to the object of the
contest ; never shrinking from the dangers of war, from fear
of that still greater to be found in a prolonged struggle. It
is thus that it may be remarked, during the memorable con-
flicts of the thirteenth century, that when even the bravest
of the knights advised their counts or dukes to grant or de-
mand a truce, the citizen militia never knew but one crv —
" To the charge !"*
Evidence was soon given of the importance of this new
nation, when it became forced to take up arms against ene-
mies still more redoubtable than the counts. In 1301, the
Flemings, who had abandoned their own sovereign to attach
themselves to Philip the Fair, king of France, began to re-
pent of their newly-formed allegiance, and to be weary of the
master they had chosen. Two citizens of Bruges, Peter de
Koning, a draper, and John Breydel, a butcher, put them-
* Bulkens, Trophi^es de Brabant,
Vi2'6. REVOLT OP THE TOWNS. 45
selves at the head of their fellow-townsmen, and completely-
dislodged the French troops who garrisoned it. The follow-
ing year, the militia of Bruges and the immediate neighbor-
hood sustained alone, at the battle of Courtrai, the shock of
one of the finest armies that France ever sent into the field.
Victory soon declared for the gallant men of Bruges ; up-
wards of 3000 of the French chivalry, besides common sol-
diers, were left dead on the field. In 1304, after a long con-
tested battle, the Flemings forced the king of France to re-
lease their count, whom he had held prisoner. " I believe it
rains Flemings !" said Philip, astonished to see them crowd
on him from all sides of the field. But this multitude of war-
riors, always ready to meet the foe, were provided for the
most part by the towns. In the seigniorial system a village
hardly furnished more than four or five men, and these only
on important occasions ; but in that of the towns, every citi-
zen was enrolled a soldier to defend the country at all times.
The same system established in Brabant forced the duke
of that province to sanction and guaranty the popular privi-
leges, and the superiority of the people over the nobility.
Such was the result of the famous contract concluded in
1312 at Cortenbergh, by which the duke created a legisla-
tive and judicial assembly to meet every twenty-one days for
the provincial business ; and to consist of fourteen deputies,
of whom only four were to be nobles, and ten were chosen
from the people. The duke was bound by this act to hold
himself in obedience to the legislative decisions of the coun-
cil, and renounced all right of levying arbitrary taxes or
duties on the state.* Thus were the local privileges of the
people by degrees secured and ratified ; but the various
towns, making common cause for general liberty, became
strictly united together, and progressively extended their
influence and power. The confederation between Flanders
and Brabant was soon consolidated. The burghers of Bruges,
who had taken the lead in the grand national union, and had
been the foremost to expel the foreign force, took umbrage
in 1323 at an arbitrary measure of their count, Louis (called
of Cressy by posthumous nomination, from his having been
killed at that celebrated fight), by which he ceded to the
count of Namur, his great-uncle, the port of Ecluse, and
authorized him to levy duties there in the style of the feudal
lords of the high country. It was but the affair of a day to
the intrepid citizens to attack the fortress of Ecluse, carry it
ty assault, and take prisoner the old count of Namur. They
• Din terns, MSS. Bibl. Bruxeii,
46 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1340
destroyed in a short time almost all the strong- castles of the
nobles throughout the province ; and having- been joined by-
all the towns of western Flanders, they finally made prisoners
count Louis himself, with almost the whole of the nobi-lity,
who had taken refug-e with him in the town of Courtrai.
But Ghent, actuated by the jealousy which at all times ex-
isted between it and Bruges, stood aloof at this crisis. The
latter town was obliged to come to a compromise with the
count, who soon afterwards, on a new quarrel breaking out,
and supported by the king of France, almost annihilated his
sturdy opponents at the battle of Cassel, where the Flemish
infantry, commanded by Nicholas Zannekin and others, were
literally cut to pieces by the French knights and men-at-
arms.
This check proved the absolute necessity of union among
the rival cities. Ten years after the battle of Cassel,
Ghent set the example of general opposition ; this example
was promptly followed, and the chief towns flew to arms.
The celebrated James d'Artaveldt, commonly called the
brewer of Ghent, put himself at the head of this formidable
insurrection. He was a man of a distinguished family, who
had himself enrolled among the guild of brewers, to entitle
him to occupy a place in the corporation of Ghent, which he
soon succeeded in managing and leading at his pleasure.
The tyranny of the count, and the French party which sup-
ported him, became so intolerable to Artaveldt, that ho
resolved to assail them at all hazards, unappalled by the fate
of his father-in-law, Sohier de Courtrai, who lost his head for
a similar attempt, and notwithstanding the hitherto devoted
fidelity of his native city to the count. One only object
seemed insurmountable. The Flemings had sworn allegiance
to the crown of France ; and they revolted at the idea of per-
jury, even from an extorted oath. But to overcome their
scruples, Artaveldt proposed to acknowledge the claim of
Edward III. of England to the French crown.* The Flemings
readily acceded to this arrangement ; quickly overwhelmed
count Louis of Cressy and his French partisans; and then
joined, with an army of 60,000 men, the English monarch,
who had landed at Antwerp. These numerous auxiliaries
rendered Edward's army irresistible ; and soon afterwards
the French and English fleets, both of formidable power, but
the latter of inferior force, met near Sluys, and engaged in a
battle meant to be decisive of the war : victory remained
doubtful during an entire day of fighting, until a Flemish
1350.
squadron hastening to the aid of the English, fixed the fate
of the combat by the utter defeat of the enemy.
A truce between the two kings did not deprive Artaveldt
of his well-earned authority. He was invested with the title
of ruward, or conservator of the peace, of Flanders, and
governed the whole province with almost sovereign sway. It
was said that king Edward used flmiiliarly to call him " his
dear gossip ;" and it is certain that there was not a feudal
lord of the time wiiose power was not eclipsed by this leader
of the people. One of the principal motives which cemented
the attachment of the Flemings to Artaveldt, was the advan-
tage obtained through his influence w^ith Edward for facili-
tating the trade with England, whence they procured the
chief supply of wool for their manufactories. Edward prom-
ised them 70,000 sacks as the reward of their alliance. But
though greatly influenced by the stimulus of general interest,
the Flemings loved their domestic liberty better than Eng-
lish wool ; and when they found tliat their ruward degen-
erated from a firm patriot into the partisan of a foreign
prince, they became disgusted with him altogether ; and he
perished in 1345, in a tumult raised against him by those by
whom he had been so lately idolized. The Flemings held
firm, nevertheless, in their alliance with England, only
regulating the connexion by a steady principle°of national
independence.*
Edward knew well how to conciliate and manage these
faithful and important auxiliaries during all his continental
wars. A Flemish army covered the siege of Calais in 1348;
and, under the command of Giles de Rypergherste, a mere
weaver of Ghent, they beat the dauphin of France in a
pitched battle. But Calais once taken, and a truce concluded,
the English king abandoned his allies. These, left wholly to
their own resources, forced the French and the heir of their
count, young Louis de Male, to recognize their right to self-
government according to their ancient privileges, and of not
being forced to give aid to France in any war against Eng-
land. Flanders may therefore be pronounced as forming, at
this epoch, both in right and fact, a truly independent prm-
cipality.f
But such struggles as these left a deep and immovable
sentiment of hatred in the minds of the vanquished. Louis
de Male longed for the re-establishment and extension of his
authority ; and had the art to gain over to his views not only
all the nobles, but many of the most influential guilds or
* Meverua, Ann. FI. ! " ■cyciua.
48 HlSsTOKY OF THE MiTHERLAiSDS. Ii3a4.
trades. Ghent, which long resisted his attempts, was at
length reduced by famine ; and the count projected the ruin,
or at least the total subjection, of this turbulent town. A son
of Artaveldt started forth at this juncture, when the popular
cause seemed lost ; and joining with his fellow-citizens John
Lyons and Peter du Bois, he led 7000 resolute burghers
against 40,000 feudal vassals. He completely defeated the
count, and took the town of Bruges, where Louis de Male
only obtained safety by hiding himself under the bed of an
old woman who gave him shelter.* Thus once more feudality
was defeated in a fresh struggle with civic freedom.
The consequences of this event were immense. They
reached to the very heart of France, where the people bore
in great discontent the feudal yoke ; and Froissart declares,
that the success of the people of Ghent had nearly over-
thrown the superiority of the nobility over the people in
France. But the king, Charles YL, excited by his uncle,
Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy, took arms in support of
the defeated count, and marched with a powerful army
agamst the rebellious burghers. Though defeated in four
successive combats, in the latter of which, that of Roosbeke,
Artaveldt was killed, the Flemings would not submit to their
imperious count, who used every persuasion with Charles to
continue his assistance for the punishment of these refractory
subjects.! But the duke of Burgundy was aware that a too
great perseverance would end, either in driving the people to
despair and the possible defeat of the French, or the entire
conquest of the country and its junction to the crown of
France. He, being son-in-law to Louis de Male, and conse-
quently aspiring to the inheritance of Flanders, saw with a
keen glance the advantage of a present compromise. On the
death of Louis, who is stated to have been murdered by
Philip's brother, the duke of Berri, he concluded a peace
with the rebel burghers, and entered at once upon the
sovereignty of the country. |
* Oudegherst.Chron. van Vlaenderen.
t De Bararite, Hist, des Dues de Bourgogne.
I Meyer de Barante, &c. 1384.
1384. PHILIP THE BOLD. 49
CHAP. V.
1384—1506.
FROM THE SUCCESSION OF PHILIP THE BOLD TO THE COUNTY OF
FLANDERS, TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP THE FAIR.
Thus the house of Burgundy, which soon after became so
formidable and celebrated, obtained this vast accession to its
power. The various changes which had taken place in the
neighboring provinces during- the continuance of these civil
wars had altered the state of Flanders altogether. John
d'Avesnes count of Hainault having also succeeded in 1299
to the county of Holland, the two provinces, though separated
by Flanders and Brabant, remained from that time under the
government of the same chief, who soon became more power-
ful than the bishops of Utrecht, or even than their formidable
rivals the Frisons.
During the wars which desolated these opposing territories,
in consequence of the perpetual conflicts for superiority, the
power of the various towns insensibly became at least as
great as that of the nobles to whom they were constantly
opposed. The commercial interests of Holland, also, were
considerably advanced by the influx of Flemish merchants
forced to seek refuge there from the convulsions which
agitated their province. Every day confirmed and increased
the privileges of the people of Brabant ; while at Liege the
inhabitants gradually began to gain the upper hand, and to
shake ofl:" the former subjection to their sovereign bishops.
Although Philip of Burgundy became count of Flanders,
by the death of his father-in-law, in the year 1384, it was not
till the following year that he concluded a peace with the
people of Ghent, and entered into quiet possession of the
province. In the same year the duchess of Brabant, the
last descendant of the duke of that province, died, leaving no
nearer relative than the duchess of Burgundy ; so that Philip
obtained in right of his wife this new and important accession
to his dominions. But the consequent increase of the sove-
reign's power was not, as is often the case, injurious to the
liberties or happiness of the people. Philip continued to
govern in the interest of the country, which he had the good
sense to consider as identified with his own. He augmented
the privileges of the towns, and negotiated for the return into
Flnnders of those merchants who Iiad omiii'rated to Ger-
1
50 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. I'oSo,
many and Holland during the continuance of the civil wars.*
He thus by degrees accustomed his new subjects, so proud of
their riglits, to submit to his authority; and liis peaceable
reign was only disturbed by the fatal issue of the expedition
of his son, John the Fearless, count of Nevers, against the
Turks. This young prince, filled with ambition and temerity,
was offered the command of the force sent by Charles III. of
France to the assistance of Sigismund of Hungary in his
war against Bajazet. Followed by a numerous body of nobles,
he entered on the contest, and was defeated and taken pris-
oner by the Turks at the battle of Nicopolis. His army was
totally destroyed, and himself only restored to liberty on the
payment of an immense ransom. f
John the Fearless succeeded in 1404 to the inheritance of
all his father's dommions, with tJie exception of Brabant, of
which his younger brother, Anthony of Burgundy, became
duke. John, Vv'hose ambitious and ferocious character became
every day more strongly developed, now aspired to tlie govern-
ment of France during the insanity of his cousin Charles VI.
He occupied himself little with the affairs of the Nether-
lands, from which lie only desired to draw supplies of men.
But the Flemings, taking no interest m his personal views or
private projects, and equally indifferent to the rivalry of Eng-
land and France which now began so fearfully to afflict the
latter kingdom, forced their ambitious count to declare their
province a neutral country :| so that the English merchants
were admitted as usual to trade in all the ports of Flanders,
and the Flemings equally well received in England, while
the duke made open war against Great Britain in his quality
of a prince of France and sovereign of Burgundy. This is
probably the earliest well-established instance of such a dis-
tinction between the prince and the people.
Anthony duke of Brabant, tlie brother of Philip, M^as not
so closely restricted in his authority and wishes. He led all
the nobles of the province to take part in the quarrels of
France ; and he suffered tlie penalty of his rashness, in meet-
ing his death m the battle of Agincourt. But the duchy
suffered nothing by this event, for the militia of the country
had not followed their duke and his nobles to the war; and a
national council was nov/ established, consisting of elevei
persons, two of whom were ecclesiastics, three barons, tw
knights, and four commoners. This council, fosmed on prin
ciples so fairly popular, conducted the public affairs with
great wisdom during the minority of the young duke. Each
* Ondesliert^t. Chrun. Vlaend. t De Barantc. f. ii. t Meyerii?.
1404. JOHN OF BAVARIA. 61
province seems thus to have governed itself upon principles
of republican independence. The sovereigns could not at
discretion, or by the want of it, play the bloody game of war
for their mere amusement ; and the emperor putting in his
claim at this epoch to his ancient rights of sovereignty over
Brabant, as an imperial lief, the council and the people treated
the demand with derision.
The spirit of constitutional liberty and legal equality which
now animated the various provinces, is strongly marked in
the history of the time by two striking and characteristic in-
cidents. At the death of Philip the Bold, his widow deposited
on his tomb her purse, and the keys which she carried at her
girdle in token of marriage ; and by this humiliating cere-
mony she renounced her rights to a succession overloaded
with her liusband's debts. ^ In the same year (1404) the
widow of Albert count of Holland and Hainault, finding her-
self in similar circumstances, required of the bailiff of Hol-
land and the judges of his court permission to make a like
renunciation. The claim was granted ; and to fulfil the re-
quisite ceremony., she walked at the head of the funeral pro-
cession, carrying in lier hand a blade of straws which she
placed on the colfin.f We thus find that in such cases the
reigning families were held liable to follow the common
usages of the country. From such instances there required
but little progress in the principle of equality to reach the
republican contempt for rank, which made the citizens of
Bruges in the following century arrest their comit for his
priva te debts.
The spirit of independence had reached the same point at
Liege. The families of the counts of Holland and Hainault,
which were at this time distinguished by the name of Ba-
varia, because they were only descended from the ancient
counts of Netherland extraction in the female line, had suffi-
cient influence to obtain the nomination to the bishopric for
a prince who was at the period in his infancy. John of Ba-
varia,— for so he was called, and to his name was afterwards
added the epithet of " the Pitiless," — on reaching his ma-
jority, did not think it necessary to cause himself to be con-
secrated a priest, but governed as a lay sovereign. The in-
dignant citizens of Liege expelled him, and chose another
bishop. But the houses of Burgundy and Bavaria, closely
allied by intermarriages, made common cause in his quarrel ;
and John duke of Burgundy, and William IV. count of Hol-
* Monstrelet. t. i. t Wagenaar, Hist. Van Vaderland.
52 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1416.
land and Hainault, brother of the bishop, replaced by force
tljis cruel and unworthy prelate.
This union of the government over all tlie provinces in
two families so closely connected, rendered the preponder-
ance of the rulers too strong for that balance hitherto kept
steady by the popular force. The former could on each new
quarrel join tog-ether, and employ ag-ainst any particular town
their whole united resources ; whereas the latter could only
act by isolated efforts for the maintenance of their separate
rights. Such was the cause of a considerable decline in
public liberty during the fifteenth century. It is trufe that
John the Fearless gave almost his whole attention to his
French political intrigues, and to the fierce quarrels which
he maintained with the house of Orleans. But his nephew,
John duke of Brabant, having married, in 1416, his cousin
Jacqueline, daughter and heiress of William IV. count of
Holland and Hainault, this branch of the house of Burgundy
seemed to get the start of the elder in its progressive influ-
ence over the provinces of the Netherlands. The dukes of
Guelders, who had changed their title of counts for one of
superior rank, acquired no accession of power proportioned
to their new dignity. Tlie bishops of Utrecht became by
degrees weaker ; private dissensions enfeebled Friesland ;
Luxembourg was a poor unimportant dukedom ; but Holland,
Hainault, and Brabant, formed the very heart of the Nether-
lands ; while the elder branch of the same family, under
whom they were united, possessed Flanders, Artois, and the
two Burgundys. To complete the prosperity and power of
this latter branch, it was soon destined to inherit the entire
dominions of the other.
A fact, the consequences of which were so important for
the entire of Europe, merits considerable attention ; but it is
most difficult to explain at once concisely and clearly the
series of accidents, manceuvres, tricks, and crimes, by which
it was accomplished. It must first be remarked, that this
John of Brabant, become the husband of his cousin Jacqueline
countess of Holland and Hainault, possessed neither the
moral nor physical qualities suited to mate with the most love-
ly, intrepid, and talented woman of her times ; nor the vigor
and firmness required for the maintenance of an increased,
and for those days a considerable, dominion. Jacqueline
thoroughly despised her insignificant husband ; first in secret,
and subsequently by those open avowals forced from her by
his revolting combination of weakness, cowardice, and tyran-
ny. He tamely allowed the province of Holland to be in-
vaded by the same ungrateful bishop of Liege, Jolm the Piti-
IIMJ. I'M I L II' or JH'KGrXDY. "j.'i
less, whom his wife's father and liis own uncle had re-estab-
lished in his justly forfeited autliority. But John of Brabant
revenged himself fur his wife's contempt by a series of do-
mestic persecutions so odious, tliat the states of Brabant in-
terfered for her protection. Finding it, however, impossible
to remain in a perpetual contest with a husband whom she
hated and despised, she fled from Brussels, where he held his
ducal court, and took refuge in England, under the protection
of Henry V., at that time in the plenitude of liis fame and
power.*
England at this epoch enjoyed the proudest station in Euro-
pean affairs. John the Fearless, after having caused the
murder of his rival the duke of Orleans, was himself assassi-
nated on the bridge of Montereau, by the followers of the
dauphin of France, and in his presence. Philip duke of Bur-
gundy, the son and successor of John, had formed a close alli-
ance with Henry V., to revenge his father's murder; and
soon after the death of the king he married his sister, and
thus united himself still more nearly to the celebrated John
duke of Bedford, brother of Henry, and regent of France, in
the name of his infant nephew, Henry VI. But besides the
share on which he reckoned in the spoils of France, Philip
also looked with a covetous eye on tlie inheritance of Jacque-
line, his cousin. As soon as he had learned that this princess,
so well received in England, was taking measures for having
her marriage annulled, to enable her to espouse the duke of
Gloucester, also the brother of Henry V., and subsequently
known by the appellation of " the good duke Humphrey,"
he was tormented by a double anxiety. He, in the first place,
dreaded that Jacqueline might have children by her projected
marriage with Gloucester, (a circumstance neither likely,
nor even possible, in the opinion of some historians, to result
from her union with John of Brabant,f) and thus deprive him
of his right of succession to her states ; and in the next, he
was jealous of the possible domination of England in the
Netherlands as well as in France. He therefore soon became
self-absolved from all his vows of revenge in the cause of his
murdered father, and labored solely for the object of his per-
sonal aggrandizement. To break his connexion with Bed-
ford ; to treat secretly with the dauphin, his father's assassin,
or at least the witness and warrant for his assassination ; and
to shuffle from party to party as occasion reiiuired ; were
movements of no difficulty to Piiilip, surnamed " the Good."
He openly espoused the cause of his infamous relative John
* Monstrelet. t Hume, vol. iii. p. 133.
51 HIssTOUY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1436
of Brabant ; sent a powerful army into Hainault, which Glou-
cester vainly strove to defend in right of his affianced wife ;
and next seized on Holland and Zealand, where he met with
a long but ineffectual resistance on the part of the courageous
woman he so mercilessly oppressed. Jacqueline, deprived of
the assistance of her staunch but ruined friends,* and aban-
doned by Gloucester, (who, on the refusal of pope Martin V.
to sanction her divorce, had married another woman, and but
feebly aided the efforts of the former to maintain her rights,)
was now left a widow by the death of John of Brabant. But
Philip, without a shadow of justice, pursued his designs
against her dominions, and finally despoiled her of her last
possessions, and even of the title of countess, v/hich she for-
feited by her marriage with Vrank Van Borselen, a gentle-
man of Zealand, contrary to a compact to which Philip's tyr-
anny had forced her to consent. After a career the most
chequered and romantic which is recorded in history, the
beautiful and hitherto unfortunate Jacqueline found repose
and happiness in the tranquillity of private life; and her
death in 1436, at the age of thirty-six, removed all restraint
from Philip's thirst for aggrandizement, in the indulgence
of which he drowned his remorse. As if fortune had con-
spired for the rapid consolidation of his greatness, the death
of Philip count of St. Pol, who had succeeded his brother
John in the dukedom of Brabant, gave him the sovereignty
of that extensive province ; and his dominions soon extended
to the very limits of Picardy, by the peace of Arras, con-
cluded with the dauphin, now become Charles VII., and by
his finally contracting a strict alliance with France.
Philip of Burgundy, thus become sovereign of dominions
at once so extensive and compact, had the precaution and ad-
dress to obtain from the emperor a formal renunciation of his
existing, though almost nominal, rights as lord paramount.
He next purchased the title of the duchess of Luxembourg
to that duchy ; and thus the states of the house of Burgundy
gained an extent about equal to that of the existing kingdom
* We must not omit to notice the existence of two factions, wliich, for
near two centuries, divided and agitated the whole population of Flolland
and Zealand.^ One bore the title" of //ocAs (fishing-hooks;) the other was
called Kaubeljauws (cod-fish.) The origin of these burlesque denominations
was a dispute between two parties at a feast, as to whether the cod-fish
took the hook, or the hook the cod-fish ? This apparently frivolous dispute
was made the pretext for a serious quarrel ; and the partisans of the nobles
and those of the towns ranged themselves at either side, and assumed differ-
ent badges of distinction. The Hoeks, partisans of the towns, wore red
caps; the Kaabeljauws wore gray ones. In Jacqueline's quarrel with Philip
of Burgundy, she was supported by the former; and it was not till the j'ear
14!i'2 that the extinction of that popular and turbulent faction struck a final
blow to the dissensions of both.
1451). UKBELLIO]\ OF GHENT. 55
of the Netherlands. For althoug'h on the north and east they
did not include Friesknd, the bishopric of Utrecht, Guelders,
or the province of Licg-e, still on the south and west they
comprised French Flanders, the Boulonnais, Artois, and a
part of Picardy, besides Burofundy. But it has been already
seen bow limited an authority was possessed by the rulers
of the maritime provinces. Flanders in particular, the most
populous and wealthy, strictly preserved its republican insti-
tutions. Ghent and Bruges were the two great towns of the
province, and eacli maintained its individual authority over
its respective territory, with great indifference to the will or
the wishes of the sovereign duke. Philip, ho\rever, had the
policy to divide most effectually these rival towns. After
having fallen into the hands of the people of Bruges, whom
he made a vain attempt to surprise, and who massacred num-
bers of his followers before his eyes, he forced them to sub-
mission by the assistance of the citizens of GJient, who sanc-
tioned the banishment of the chief men of the vanquished
town.* But some years later Ghent was in its turn oppressed
and punished for having resisted the payment of some new
tax. It found no support from the rest of Flanders. Never-
theless this powerful city singly maintained the war for the
space of two years : but. the intrepid burghers finally yielded
to the veterans of the duke, formed to victory in tlie French
wars. The principal privileges of Ghent were on this occa-
sion revoked and annulled. f
During these transactions the province of Holland, which
enjoyed a degree of liberty almost equal to Flanders, had de-
clared war against the Hanseatic towns on its own proper
authority. Supported by Zealand, which formed a (distinct
country, but was strictly united to it by a common interest,
Holland equipped a fleet against the pirates M^hich infested
their coasts and assailed their commerce, and soon forced
them to submission. Philip in the mean time contrived to
manage the conflicting elements of his power with great
subtlety. Notvvithstanding his ambitious and despotic char-
acter, he conducted himself so cautiously, that his people -by
common consent confirmed his title of "the Good," which
was somewhat inappropriately given to him at the very epoch
when he appeared to deserve it least. Age and exhaustion
may be adduced among the causes of the toleration which
signalized his latter years ; and if he was the usurper of some
parts of his dominions, he cannot be pronounced a tyrant
over an}^
* Ouflp|rlieisr. t I>e Barante, t. vi.
d(i HISTORY OF THE NETliEKLAADsJ. 1407.
Philip had an only son, born and reared in the midst of
tliat ostentatious g-reatness which he looked on as his own by-
divine riiilit; whereas his father remembered that it had
chiefly become his by fortuitous acquirement, and much of it
by means not likely to look well in the sight of Heaven. This
son was Charles count of Charolois, afterwards celebrated
under the name of Charles the Rash. He gave, even in the
lifetime of his father, a striking specimen of despotism tc
the people of Holland. Appomted stadtholder of tliat province
in 1457, he appropriated to himself several important suc-
cessions ; forced the inhabitants to labor in the formation of
dikes for the security of the property thus acquired ; and, in
a word, conducted himself as an absolute master.* Soon after-
wards he broke out mto open opposition to his father, who
had complamed of this undutiful and impetuous son to the
states of the provmces, venting his grief in lamentations in-
stead of punishing his people's wrongs. But his private
rage burst forth one day in a manner as furious as his public
expressions were tame. He went so far as to draw his
sword on Charles and pursue him through his palace rf and a
disgusting yet instructive spectacle it was, to see this father
and son in mutual and disgraceful discord, like two birds
of prey quarrelling in the same eyrie ; the old count out-
rageous to find he was no longer undisputed sovereign, and
the young one in feeling that lie had not yet become so. But
Philip was declining daily. Yet even when dying he pre-
served his natural haughtiness and energy ; and being pro-
voked by the insubordination of the people of Liege, he had
himself carried to tiie scene of their punisluuent. The re-
fractory town of Dinant, on the Meuse, was utterly destroyed
by the two counts, and 600 of the citizens drowned in the
river, and in cold blood. The following year Philip expired,
leaving to Charles his long-wished-for inheritance.
The reign of Philip had produced a revolution in Belgian
manners ; for his example and the great increase of wealth
had introduced habits of luxury hitherto quite unkno^^^^. He
had also brought into fashion romantic notions of military
honor, love, and chivalry; which, while they certainly soft-
ened the character of the nobility, contained nevertheless a
certain mixture of frivolity and extravagance. The cele-
brated order of the Golden Fleece, which was introduced by
Philip, vras less an institution based on grounds of rational
magnificence, than a puerile emblem of his passion for Isa-
bella of Portugal, his third wife. The verses of a contempo-
* Preuves et Additions sur Comines, t. iv. j Chronique de HoUande.
1467. CHAKLES THK KAsiJl. 57
rary poet induced him to make a vow for the conquest of
Constantinople from the Turks.* He certainly never at-
tempted to execute this senseless crusade ; but he did not
omit so fair an opportunity for levying new taxes on his
people. And it is undoubted, that the splendor of his court
and the immorality of his example were no slight sources
of corruption to the countries which he governed.
In this respect, at least, a totally different kind of govern-
ment was looked for on the part of his son and successor,
who was by nature and habit a mere soldier. Charles began
his career by seizing on all the money and jewels left by his
father; he next dismissed the crowd of useless funcLionari"3
who bad fed upon, under the pretence of managing, the
treasures of the state. But this salutary and sweeping re-
form was only effected to enable the sovereign to pursue un-
controlled the most fatal of all passions, that of war. Nothing
can better paint the true character of this haughty and
impetuous prince than his crest (a branch of holly,) and his
motto, " Wlio touches it, pricks himself" Charles had con-
ceived a furious and not ill-founded hatred for his base yet
formidable neiglibor and rival, Louis XI. of France. The
latter had succeeded in obtaining from Pliilip the restitution
of some towns in Picardy ; cause sufficient to excite the
resentment of Iiis inflammable successor, who, during his
father's lifetime, took open i)art with some of the vassals of
France in a temporary struggle against the throne. Louis,
who had been worsted in a combat where both he and
Charles bore a part, was not behindhand in his hatred. But
inasmuch as one was haughty, audacious, and uitemperate,
the other was cunning, cool, and treacherous. Charles was
the proudest, most daring, and most unmanageable princer
that ever made the sword the type and the guarantee of
greatness ; Louis the most subtle, dissimulatmg, and treacher-
ous king that ever wove in his closet a tissue of hollow
diplomacy and bad faith in government. The struggle be-
tween these sovereigns was unequal only in respect to this
difference of character ; for France, subdivided as it still was,
and exhausted by the wars with England, was not compara-
ble, either as regarded men, money, or the other resources ot
the state, to the compact and prosperous dominions of Bur-
gundy.
Charles showed some symptoms of good sense and great-
ness of mind, soon after his accession to power, that gave a
false coloring to his disposition, and encouraged illusory
Mon«tiol(^t. Olivier dc la Mirche.
ij^ lil.-TORV OF TllK AET11EKLA.VJ)S. 14Gb
hopes as to his future career. Scarcely was he proclaimed
count of Flanders at Ghent, when the populace, surrounding
his hotel, absolutely insisted on and extorted his consent to
the restitution of their ancient privileges.* Furious as Charles
was at this bold proof of insubordination, he did not revenge
it ; and he treated with equal indulgence the city of Mechlin,
which had expelled its governor and rased the citadel. The
people of Liege, having revolted against their bishop, Louis
of Bourbon, who was closely connected with the liouse of
Burgundy, were defeated by the duke in 1467, but he treated
them with clemency ; and immediately after this event, in
February 1468, he concluded with Edward IV. of England
an alliance, offensive and defensive, against France.f
The real motive of this alliance was rivalry and hatred
against Louis. The ostensible pretext was this monarch's
having made war against the duke of Britany, Charles's old
ally in the short contest in which he, while yet but count,
had measured his strength with liis rival after he became
king. The present union between England and Burgundy
was too powerful not to alarm Louis ; he demanded an
explanatory conference with Charles, and the town of Pe-
ronne in Picardy was fixed on for their meetuig. Louis,
willing to imitate the boldness of his rival, who had formerly
come to meet him in the very midst of liis army, now came to
the rendezvous almost alone. But he was severely mortified,
and near paying a greater penalty than fright, for this
hazardous conduct. The duke, having received intelligence
of a new revolt at Liege excited by some of the agents of
France, instantlv made ""Louis prisoner, in defiance of every
law of honor or' fair dealmg. The excess of his rage and
hatred might have carried him to a more disgraceful ex-
tremity, had not Louis, by force of bribery, gamed over some
of his most influential counsellors, who succeeded in appeas-
ing his rage. He contented himself with humiliating, when
he Avas disposed to punish. He forced his captive to accom-
pany fiim to Liege, and witness the ruin of this unfortunate
town, which he delivered over to plunder ; and ht.ving giv3n
this lesson to Louis, he set him at liberty.
From this period there was a marked and material change
in the conduct of Charles. He had been previously moved
by sentiments of chivalry and notions of greatness. But sul
lied by his act of public treachery and violence towards the
monarch who had, at least in seeming, manifested unlimited
confidence in his honor, a secret sense of shame embittered
* Philip de Comineu. T Rynier, vol. v. p. 11.
1172. t"irARL!;:s's I'LAXa' of aggmaxdizemext. 59
his feelint^s and soured his temper. He became so insup-
portable to those around him, that he was abandoned by sev->
eral of his best officers, and even by his natural brother,
Baldwin of Burgundy, who passed over to the side of Louis.
Charles was at this time embarrassed by the expense of en-
tertaining' and maintaining- Edward IV. and numerous Eng-
lish exiles, who were forced to take refuge in the Netherlands
by the successes of the earl of Warwick, who had replaced
Henry VI. on the throne.* Charles at the same time held
out to several princes m Europe hopes of bestowing on them
in marriage his only daughter and heiress Mary, while he
privately assured his friends, if his courtiers and ministers
may be so called, " tliat he never meant to have a son-in-law
until he was disposed to make himself a monk." In a word,
lie was no longer guided by any principle but that of fierce
and brutal selfishness.
In this mood he soon became tired of the service of his
nobles and of the national militia, who only maintained to-
wards him a forced and modified obedience founded on the
usages and rights of their several provinces ; and he took
into his pay all sorts of adventurers and vagabonds who were
willing to submit to him as their absolute master. When
the taxes necessary for the support and pay of these bands of
mercenaries caused the people to murmur, Charles laughed
at their complaints, and severely punished some of the most
refractory. He then entered France at the head of his army,
to assist the duke of Britany ; but at the moment when no-
thing seemed to oppose the most extensive views of his am-
bition, he lost by his hot-brained caprice every advantage
within his easy reach : he c]iose to sit down before Beauvais ;
and thus made of this town, which lay in his road, a complete
stumbling-block on his path of conquest. Tlie time he lost
before its walls caused the defeat and ruin of his unsupported,
or as might be said his abandoned, ally, who made the best
terms he could with Louis ; and thus Charles's presumption
and obstinacy paralyzed all the efforts of his courage and
power. But he soon afterwards acquired the duchy of Gueld-
ers from tlie old duke Arnoul, who had been temporarily.,
despoiled of it by his son Adolphus. It was almost an heredi-
tary consequence in this family that the children should
revolt and rebel against their parents. Adolphus had the
effrontery to found his justification on the argument, that his
father having reigned forty-four years, he was fully entitled
to his share — a fine practical authority for greedy and expect-
* Philip de Comines, 1. v.
60 HISTORY OF THE ^•ErHERLAXJ)S. JlT'^.
ant heirs. The old father replied to this reasoningf by ofter-
inf? to meet his ^n in single combat * Charles cut short the
afiair by making Adolphus prisoner and seizing on the dis-
puted territory, for which he, however, paid Arnoul the sum
of 220,000 florins.
After this acquisition Charles conceived and had much at
heart the design of becoming king, the first time that the
Netherlands were considered sufficiently important and con-
solidated to entitle their possessor to that title. To lead to
this object he offered to the emperor of Germany the hand of
his daughter Mary for his son Maximilian. The emperor ac-
ceded to this proposition, and repaired to the city of Treves
to meet Charles and countenance his coronation. But the
insolence and selfishness of the latter put an end to the pro-
ject. He humiliated the emperor, who was of a niggardly
and mean-spirited disposition, by appearing with a train so
numerous and sumptuous as totally to eclipse the imperial
retinue ; and deeply offended him by wishing to postpone the
marriage, from his jealousy of creating for himself a rival in
a son-in-law, who might embitter his old age as he had
done that of his own father. The mortified emperor quitted
the place in high dudgeon, and the projected kingdom was
doomed to a delay of some centuries.
Charles, urged on by the double motive of thirst for ag-
grandizement and vexation at his late failure, attempted,
under pretext of some internal dissensions, to gain possession
of Cologne and its territory, which belonged to the empire ;
and at the same time planned the invasion of France, in con-
cert with his brother-in-law Edward IV., who had recovered
possession of England. But the town of Nuys, in the arch-
bishopric of Cologne, occupied him a full year before its walls.
The emperor, who came to its succor, actually besieged the
besiegers in their camp, and the dispute was terminated by
leaving it to the arbitration of the pope's legate, and placing
the contested town in his keeping. This half triumph gained
bv Charles saved Louis wholly from destruction. Edward,
who had landed in France with a numerous force, seeing no
appearance of his Burgundian allies, made peace with Louis ;
and Charles, who arrived in all haste, but not till after the
treaty was signed, upbraided and abused the English king,
and turned a warm friend into an inveterate enemy.
Louis, whose crooked policy had so far succeeded on all
occasions, now seemed to favor Charles's plans of aggran-
dizement, and to recognize his pretended right to Lorraine,
♦ Comines, t. iv.
1473. CHARLES DEFEATED BY THE SWISS. 61
which legitimately helonged to the empire, and the invasion
of which by Charles would bo sure to set hun at variance
with the whole of Germany. The infatuated duke, blind tc
the ruin to which he was thus hurrying-, abandoned to Louis,
in return for this insidious support, the constable of St. Pol ,
a nobleman who had long maintained his independence in
Picardy, where he had large possessions, and who was fitted
to be a valuable friend or formidable enemy to either. Charles
now marched against, and soon overcame, Lorraine. Thence
he turned his army against the Swiss, who were allies to the
conquered province, but who sent the most submissive dis-
suasions to the invader. They begged for peace, assuring
Charles that their romantic but sterile mountains were not
altogether worth the bridles of his splendidly equipped caval-
ry. But the more they humbled themselves, the higher was
his haughtiness raised. It appeared that he had at this pe-
riod conceived the project of uniting in one common conquest
the ancient dominions of Lothaire I., who had possessed the
whole of the countries traversed by the Rhine, the Rhone,
and the Po; and he even spoke of passing the Alps, like
Hannibal, for the invasion of Italy.
Switzerland was, by moral analogy as well as physical
fact, the rock against w^hich these extravagant projects were
shattered. The army of Charles, which engaged the hardy
mountaineers in the gorges of the Alps near the town of
Granson, were literally crushed to atoms by the stones and
fragments of granite detached from the heights and hurled
down upon their heads. Charles, after this defeat, returned
to the charge six weeks later, having rallied his army and
drawn reinforcements from Burgundy. But Louis had dis-
patched a body of cavalry to the Swiss, — a force in which
they were before deficient ; and thus augmented, their army
amounted to 34,000 men. They took up a position, skilfully
chosen, on the borders of the lake of Morat, where they were
attacked by Charles at the head 60,000 soldiers of all ranks.
The result was the total defeat of the latter, with the loss of
10,000 killed, whose bones, gathered into an immense heap,
and bleaching in the winds, remained for above three centu-
ries ;* a terrible monument of rashness and injustice on the
one hand, and of patriotism and valor on the other.
Charles was now plunged into a state of profound melan-
choly ; but he soon burst from this gloomy mood into one of
renewed fierceness and fatal desperation. Nine months after
the battle of Morat he re-entered Lorraine, at the head of an
♦ Gaiuliii. Abrogc de I'llist. tk la Snisco, p 63.
62 HISTORY OF TllJt: INETHEKLAIVDS. 1477.
army, not composed of his faithful militia of the Netherlands,
but of those mercenaries in whom it was madness to place
trust. The reinforcements meant to be dispatched to him by
those provinces wer kept back by the artilices of the count
of Campo Basso, an xtalian, who commanded his cavalry, and
VI ho only gained his confidence basely to betray it. Rene
duke of Lorrauie, at the head of the confederate forces,
ffered battle to Charles under the walls of A^ancy ; and tlie
night before the combat Campo Basso went over to the enemy
with the troops under his command. Still Charles had the
way open for retreat. Fresh troops from Burgundy and
Flanders were on their march to join him ; but he would not
be dissuaded from his resolution to fight, and he resolved to
try his fortune once more with his dispirited and shattered
army. On this occasion the fate of Charles was decided, and
the fortune of Louis triumphant. The rash and ill-fated
duke lost both the battle and his lite.f His body, mutilated
with wounds, was found the next day, and buried with great
pomp in the town of Nancy, by the orders of the generous
victor, the duke of Lorraine.
Thus perished the last prince of the powerful house of
Burgundy. Charles left to his only daughter, then eighteen
years of age, the inheritance of his extensive dominions, and
with them that of the hatred and jealousy which he had so
largely excited. External spoliation immediately commenced,
and internal disunion quickly followed. Louis XL seized on
Burgundy and a part of Artois, as fiefs devolving to the
crown in default of male issue. Several of the provinces
refused to pay the new subsidies commanded in the name of
Mary ; Flanders alone showing a disposition to uphold the
rights of the young princess. The states were assembled at
Ghent, and ambassadors sent to the king of France, in the
hopes of obtaining peace on reasonable terms. Louis, true
to his system of subtle perfidy, placed before one of those
ambassadors, the burgomaster of Ghent, a letter from the in-
experienced princess, which proved her mtention to govern
by the counsel of her father's ancient ministers, rather than
by that of the deputies of the nation. This was enough to
decide the indignant Flemmgs to render themselves at once
masters of the government, and get rid of the ministers
whom they hated. Two Burgundian nobles, Hugonet and
Imbercourt, were arrested, accused of treason, and beheaded
ander the very eyes of their agonized and outraged mistress,
who threw herself before the frenzied multitude, vainly im-
t Sth Jan. 14.7.
J 484. MAKY AND MAXK.11L1AN. 63
ploring mercy for these innocent men. The people having
thus completely gained the upper hand over the Burgundian
influence, Mary was sovereign of the Netherlands but in
name.
It would have now been easy for Louis XI. to have obtained
for the dauphin, his son, the hand of this hitherto unfortunate
but interesting prmcess ; but he thought himself sufficiently
strong and cunning to gain possession of her states witliout
such an alliance. Mary, however, thus in some measure dis-
dained, if not actually rejected, by Louis, soon after married
her first-intended husband, Maximilian of Austria, son of tlie
emperor Frederick III. ; a prince so absolutely destitute, in
consequence of his fether's parsimony, that she was obliged
to borrow money from the towns of Flanders to defray the
expenses of his suite.* Nevertheless he seemed equally ac-
ceptable to his bride and to his new subjects. They not only
supplied all his wants, but enabled him to maintain the wai
against Louis XL, whom they defeated at the battle of Guine-
gate in Picardy, and forced to make peace on more favorable
terms than they ha.d hoped for. But these wealthy provinces
were not more zealous for the national defence, than bent on
the maintenance of their local privileges, which Maximilian
little understood, and sympathized with less. He was bred
in the scliool of absolute despotism ; and his duchess having
met with a too early death by a fall from her horse in the
year 1484, he could not even succeed in obtaining the nomina-
tion of guardian to his own children without passing through
a year of civil war. His power being almost nominal in the
northern provinces, he vainly attempted to suppress tlie
violence of the factions of Hoeks and Kaabeljauws. In Flan-
ders his authority was openly resisted. The turbulent towns
of that country, and particularly Bruges, taking umbrage at
a government half German half Burgundian, and altogether
hateful to the people, rose up against Maximilian, seized on
his person, imprisoned him in a house wliich still exists, and
put to death his most faitliful followers. But the fury of
Ghent and other places becoming still more outrageous,
Maximilian asked as a favor from his rebel subjects of Bruges
to be guarded while a prisoner by them alone.f He was then
king of the Romans, and all Europe became interested in his
fate. The pope addressed a brief to the town of Bruges,
demanding his deliverance. But the burghers were as inflexi-
ble as factious; and thev at length released him, but not
until thev had concluded with him and the assembled states a
* ComiiK'P, t. vi. t Heuterus. 1. iii.
64 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1493.
treaty, which most amply secured the enjoyment of their
privileges and the pardon of their rebellion.
But these kind of compacts were never observed by the
princes of those days beyond the actual period of their capa-
city to violate them. The emperor having entered the
Netherlands at the head of 40,000 men, Maximilian, so sup-
ported, soon showed his contempt for the obligations he had
sworn to, and had recourse to force for the extension of his
authority. The valor of the Flemings and the military talents
of their leader, Philip of Cleves, thwarted all his projects,
and a new compromise was entered into. Flanders paid a
large subsidy, and held fast her rights. The German troops
were sent into Holland, and employed for the extinction of
the Hoeks ; who, as they formed by far the weaker faction,
were now soon destroyed. That province, 'C^'hich had been
so long distracted by its intestine feuds, and which had con-
sequently played but an insignificant part in the transactions
of the Netherlands, now resumed its place ; and acquired
thenceforth new^ honor, till it at length came to figure in all
the importance of historical disthiction.
The situation of the Netherlands was now^ extrem.ely pre-
carious and difficult to manage, during the unstable sw^ay of
a government so w^eak as Maximilian's. But he having suc-
ceeded his father on the imperial throne in 1493, and his
son Philip having been proclaimed the following year duke
and count of the various provinces at the age of sixteen, a
more pleasing prospect was oflTered to the people. Philip,
young, handsome, and descended by his mother from the an-
cientsovereigns of the country, was joyfully hailed by all the
towms. He did not belie the hopes so enthusiastically ex-
pressed. He had the good sense to renounce all pretensions
to Friesland, the fertile source of many preceding quarrels
and sacrifices. He re-established the ancient commercial
relations with England, to which country Maximilian had
given mortal ofl^ence by sustaining the imposture of Perkin
Warbeck. Philip also consulted the states-general on his
projects of a double alliance between himself and his sister
with the son and daughter of Ferdinand king of Aragon and
Isabella queen of Castile ; and from this wise precaution the
project soon became one of national partiality instead of pri-
vate or personal interest. In this manner complete harmony
was established between the young prince and the inhabit-
ants of the Netherlands. All the ills produced by civil war
disappeared with immense rapidity in Flanders and Brabant,
as soon as peace was thus consolidated. Even Holland, though
il liad particularly felt the scourge of these dissensions, and
1493. rillLlP THE FAIR. 65
suffered severely from repeated inundations, begun to recover.
Yet for all this, Philip can be scarcely called a good prince :
his merits were negative rather than real. But that sufficed
for the nation ; which found in the nullity of its sovereign no
obstacle to the resumption of that prosperous career which
had been checked by the despotism of the house of Bur-
gundy, and the attempts of Maximilian to continue the same
system.
The reign of Philip, unfortunately a short one, was ren-
dered remarkable by two intestine quarrels ; one in Fries-
land, the other in Guelders. The Frisons, who had been so
isolated from the more important affairs of Europe that they
were in a manner lost sight of by history for several centu-
ries, had nevertheless their full share of domestic disputes;
too long, too multifarious, and too minute, to allow us to give
more than this brief notice of their existence. But finally,
about the period of Piiilip's accession, eastern Friesland had
chosen for its count a gentleman of the country surnamed
Edzart, who fixed the head-quarters of his military govern-
ment at Embden. The sight of such an elevation in an in-
dividual whose pretensions he thought far inferior to his own,
induced Albert of Saxony, who had well served Maximilian
against the refractory Fleming-s, to demand as his reward the
title of stadtholder or hereditary governor of Friesrand. But
it was far easier for the emperor to accede to this request
than for his favorite to put the grant into effect. The Fri-
sons, true to their old character, held firm to their privileges,
and fought for their maintenance with heroic courage. i\.l-
bert, furious at this resistance, had the horrid barbarity to
cause to be impaled the chief burghers of the town of Leu-
waarden, which he had taken by assault.* But he himself
died in the year 1500, without succeeding in his projects of
an ambition unjust in its principle and atrocious in its prac-
tice.
The war of Guelders was of a totally different nature. In
this case it was not a question of popular resistance to a tyr-
annical nomination, but of patriotic fidelity to the reigning
family. Adolphus, the duke who had dethroned his father,
had died in Flanders, leaving a son who had been brought up
almost a captive as long as Maximilian governed the states
of his inheritance. This young man, called Charles of Eg-
mont, and who is honored in the history of his country under
the title of the Achilles of Guelders, fell into the hands of
the French during the combat in which he made his first
* Beninga, Hist. Van Oost Frise.
66 HISTORY OF THE NEniERLANDS. 1500.
essay in arms. The town of Guelders unanimously joined
to pay his ransom ; and as soon as he was at liberty, tliey one
and all proclaimed liim duke. The emperor Philip and the
Germanic diet in vain protested against this measure, and
declared Charles a usurper. The spirit of justice and of
liberty spoke more loudly than the thunders of their ban ; and
the people resolved to support to the last this scion of an an-
cient race, glorious in much of its conduct, though often
criminal in many of its members. Charles of Egmont fiiund
faithful friends in his devoted subjects ; and he maintained
his rights, sometimes with, sometimes without, the assistance
of France,— making up for his want of numbers by energy
and enterprise. We cannot follow this warlike prmce in the
long series of adventures which consolidated his power ; nor
stop to depict his daring adherents on land, vdio caused the
whole of Holland to tremble at their deeds ; nor his pirates —
the chief of whom, Long Peter, called himself king of the
Zuyder Zee. But amidst all the consequent troubles of such
a struggle, it is marvellous to find Charles of Egmont up-
holding his country in a state of high prosperity, and leaving
it at his death almost as rich as Holland itself f
The incapacity of Philip the Fair doubtless contributed to
cause him the loss of this portion of his dominions. This
prince, after his first acts of moderation and good sense, was
remarkable only as being the father of Charles V. The re-
mainder of his life was worn out in undignified pleasures;
and he died almost suddenly, in the year 1506, at Burgos in
Castile, whither he had repaired to pay a visit to his brother-
in-law, the king of Spain.
f Van Meteren
1508. MARGARET OF AUSTRIA 67
CHAP. VI.
1506—1555.
FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF MARGARET OF AUSTRIA TO THE ABDl
CATION OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES V.
Philip being dead, and his wife, Joanna of Spain, having
become mad from grief at his loss, after nearly losing her
senses from jealousy during his life, the regency of the Neth-
erlands reverted to Maximilian, who immediately named his
daughter Margaret governant of the country. This prmcess,
scarcely twenty-seven years of age, had been, like the cele-
brated Jacqueline of Bavaria, already three times married,
and was now again a widow. Her first husband, Charles
VIII. of France, had broken from his contract of marriao-e
before its consummation ; her second, the Infant of Spain,
died immediately after their union ; and her third, the duke
of Savoy, left her again a widow after three years of wedded
life. She was a woman of talent and courage ; both proved
by the couplet she composed for her own epitaph, at the very
moment of a dangerous accident which happened during her
journey into Spain to join her second affianced spouse.* She
was received with the greatest joy by the people of the
Netherlands; and she governed them as peaceably as cir-
cumstances allowed. Supported by England, she firmly
maintained her authority against the threats of France ; and
she carried on in person all the negotiations between Louis
XII., Maximilian, the pope Jules 11., and Ferdinand of Ara-
gon, for the famous league of Venice. These negotiations
took place in 1508, at Cambray ; where Margaret, if we are
to credit an expression to that effect in one of her letters,|
was more than once on the point of havmg serious differ-
ences with the cardinal of Amboise, minister of Louis XII.
But, besides her attention to the interests of her father on
tliis important occasion, she also succeeded in repressing the
rising pretensions of Charles of Egmont ; and, assisted by
the interference of the king of France, she obliged him to
give up some places in Holland which he illegally held.
* Ci-i-'it MarfTot la gente demoiselle,
(liii eut (I(iiix maris, ct si innunit pucelle.
H.'re t'Pntle Margjot quiftly is laid,
VVlia !iad two husbands, antl yet died a maid.
f LettiTS dn Louis XII. t. i. p. 122.
68 lIISTOIiy OF THE NETHEKLANDS. 1515.
From this period the alliance between England and Spain
raised the commerce and manufactures of the southern prov-
inces of the Netherlands to a hig-h degree of prosperity,
while the northern parts of the country were still kept down
by their various dissensions. Holland was at war with the
Hanseatic towns. The Prisons continued to struggle for
freedom against the heirs of Albert of Saxony. Utrecht
was at variance with its bishop, and finally recognized Charles
of Egmont as its protector. The consequence of all these
causes was that the south took the start in a course of pros-
perity, which was, however, soon to become common to the
whole nation.
A new rupture with France, in 1513, united Maximilian,
Margaret, and Henry VIII. of England, in one common cause.
An English and Belgian army, in which ^Maximilian figured
as a spectator (takuig care to be paid by England), marched
for the destruction of Therouenne, and defeated and dispersed
the French at the battle of Spurs. But Louis XII. soon per-
suaded Henry to make a separate peace ; and the unconquer-
able duke of Guelders made Margaret and the emperor pay
the penalty of their success against France. He pursued his
victories in Friesland, and forced the country to recognize
him as stad th older of Groningen, its chief town; v.iiile the
duke of Saxony at length renounced to another his unjust
claim on a territory which ingulfed both his armies and his
treasure.
About the same epoch (1515,) young Charles, son of Philip
the Fair, having just attained his fifteenth year, was inaugu-
rated duke of Brabant and count of Flanders and Holland,
having purchased the presumed right of Saxony to the sove-
reignty of Friesland. In the following year he was recog-
nized as prince of Castile, in right of his mother, who asso-
ciated him with herself in the royal power, — a step which
soon left her merely the title of queen. Charles procured the
nomination of bishop of Utrecht for Philip, bastard of Bur-
gundy, which made that province completely dependent on
him. ' But this event was also one of general and lasting im-
portance on another account. This Philip of Burgundy was
deeply affected by the doctrines of the Reformation, which
had burst forth m Germany. He held in abhorrence the su-
perstitious observances of the Romish church, and set his
face against the celibacy of the clergy. His example soon
influenced his whole diocese, and the new notions on points
of religion became rapidly popular. It was chiefly, however,
in Friesland that tlie people embraced the opinions of Luther,
which were quite conformable to many of the local customs
1515. PROGRESS OP THE REFORMATION. 69
of wliicli we have already spoken. The celebrated Edzard
count of eastern Friesland openly adopted the Rclbrmation.
While Erasmus of Rotterdam, without actually pronouncing-
himself a disciple of Lutheranism, effected more than all its
advocates to throw the abuses of Catholicism into discredit.
We may here remark that, during the government of the
house of Burgundy, the clergy of the Netherlands had fallen
into considerable disrepute. Intrigue and court favor alone
had the disposal of the benefices ; while the career of com-
merce was open to the enterprise of every spirited and inde-
pendent competitor. The Reformation, therefore, in the first
instance found but a slight obstacle in the opposition of a sla-
vish and ignorant clergy, and its progress was all at once pro-
digious. The refusal of the dignity of emperor by Frederick
" the wise," duke of Saxony, to wliom it was offered by the
electors, was also an event highly favorable to the new opin-
ions ; for Francis I. of France, and Charles, already king of
Spain and sovereign of the Netherlands, both claiming the
succession to the empire,* a sort of interregnum deprived the
disputed dommions of a chief who might lay the heavy hand
of power on the new-springing doctrines of Protestantism.
At length the intrigues of Charles, and his pretensions as
grandson of Maximilian, having caused him to be chosen em-
peror, a desperate rivalry resulted between him and the
French king, which for a while absorbed his whole attention
and occupied all his power.
From the earliest appearance of tlie Reformation, the young-
sovereign of so many states, having to establish his authority
at the two extremities of Europe, could not efficiently occupy
himself in resisting the doctrines which, despite their dis-
honoring epithet of heresy, were doomed so soon to become
orthodox for a great part of the Continent. While Charles
vigorously put down the revolted Spaniards, Luther gained
new proselytes in Germany ; so that the very greatness of
the sovereignty was the cause of his impotency ; and while
Charles's extent of dominion thus fostered the growing Re-
formation, his sense of honor proved the safeguard of its apos-
tle. The intrepid Luther, boldly venturing to appear and
plead its cause before the representative power of Germany
assembled at the diet of Worms, was protected by the guar-
antee of the emperor ;t unlike the celebrated and unfortunate
John Huss, who fell a victim to his own confidence and the bad
faith of Sigismund, in the year 1415.
Charles was nevertheless a zealous and rigid Catholic;
* Robrrtson. t Idem.
70 HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS. 1525.
and in tlic Low Countries, where his authority was undis-
puted, he proscribed the heretics, and even violated the privi-
leges of the country by appointing' functionaries for the ex-
press purpose of their pursuit and punishment.* This im-
prudent stretch of power fostered a rising spirit of opposition ;
for, though entertaining the best disposition to their young
prince, the people deeply felt and loudly complained of the
government; and thus the germs of a mighty revolution
gradually began to be developed.
Charles V. and Francis I. had been rivals for dignity and
power, and they now became implacable personal enemies.
Young, ambitious, and sanguine, they could not, without re-
ciprocal resentment, pursue in the same field objects essen-
tial to both. Charles, by a short but timely visit to England
in 1520, had the address to g'ain over to his cause and secure
for his purpose the powerful interest of cardinal Wolsey, and
to make a most favorable impression on Henry VIII. ;f and
thus strengthened, he entered on the struggle against his
less wily enemy with infinite advantage. War was declared
on frivolous pretexts in 1521. The French sustained it for
some time with great valor ; but Francis being obstinately
bent on the conquest of the Milanais, his reverses secured
the triumph of his rival, and he fell into the hands of the im-
perial troops at the battle of Pavia in 1525. Charles's domi-
nions in the Netherlands suffered severely from the naval
operations during the war ; for the French cruisers having,
on repeated occasions, taken, pillaged, and almost destroyed
the principal resources of the herring fishery, Holland and
Zealand felt considerable distress, which was still further
augmented by the famine v/hich desolated these provinces in
1524.
While such calamities afflicted the northern portion of the
Netherlands, Flanders and Brabant continued to flourish, in
spite of temporary embarrassments. The bishop of Utrecht
having died, his successor found himself engaged in a hope-
less quarrel with his new diocese, already more than half
converted to Protestantism ; and to gain a trimnph over these
enemies, even by the sacrifice of his dignity, he ceded to the
emperor in 1527 the whole of his temporal power. The duke
of Guelders, who then occupied the city of Utrecht, redou-
bled his hostility at this intelligence ; and after having rav-
aged the neighboring country, he did not lay down his arms
till the subsequent year, having first procured an honorable
and advantageous peace. One year more saw the term of
* Meteren, 1. i. t Robertson.
1534. THE ANABAPIISTS. 71
this lonof-continued state of warfare by the peace of Cambray,
between Charles and Francis, which was signed on the 5tii
of August, 1529.*
This peace once concluded, the industry and perseverance
of the inhabitants of the Netherlands repaired in a short time
tlie evils caused by so many wars, excited by the ambition of
princes, but in scarcely any instance for the interest of the
country. Little, however, was wanting to endanger this
tran(|uillity, and to excite the people against each other on
the score of religious dissension. The sect of Anabaptists,
whose wild opinions were subversive of all principles of social
order and every sentiment of natural decency, had its birth
in Germany, and found many proselytes in the Netherlands.
John Bokelszoon, a tailor of Leyden, one of the number,
caused himself to be proclaimed king of Jerusalem ; and
making himself master of the town of JMunster, sent out his
disciples to preach in the neighboring countries. Mary, sis-
ter of Charles V., and queen-dowager of Hungary, the gov-
ernant of the Netlierlands, proposed a crusade against this
fanatic ; which was, however, totally discountenanced by the
states. Encouraged by impunity, whole troops of these in-
furiate sectarians, from the very extremities of Hainault, put
themselves into motion for Munster; and notvv^ithstanding
the colds of February, they marched along, quite naked, ac-
cording to the system of their sect.f The frenzy of these fanat-
ics being increased by persecution, they projected attempts
against several towns, and particularly against Amsterdam.
They were easily defeated, and massacred without mercy ;
and it was only by multiplied and horrible executions that
their numbers were at length diminished. John Bakelszoon
held out at Munster, which was besieged by the bishop and
the neighboring princes. This profligate fanatic, who had
married no less than seventeen women, had gained consider-
able influence over the insensate multitude ; but he was at
length taken and imprisoned in an iron cage, — an event
which mideceived the greatest number of those whom he had
persuaded of his superhuman powers.}
The prosperity of the southern provinces proceeded rapidly
and uninterruptedly, in consequence of the great and valua-
ble traffic of the merchants of Flanders and Brabant, who
exchanged their goods of native manufacture for the riches
drawn from America and India by the Spaniards and Portu-
guese. Antwerp had succeeded to Bruges as tlie general
* Robertson. t L. Hortens. de Anab
X Hist. Anabapt.
7'2 HisToKV oi" Till: ni;tiii:i{laxij.s. io'M.
mart of commorce, and was the most opulent town of tiie
north of Europe. The expenses, estimated at 130,000 golden
crowns,* which this city voluntarily incurred, to do honor to
the visit of Philip, son of Charles V., are cited as a proof of
its wealth. The value of the wool annually imported for
manufacture into the Low Countries from England and Spain
was calculated at 4,000,000 pieces of gold. Their herring
fishery was unrivalled ; for even the Scotch, on whose coasts
these fish were taken, did not attempt a competition with
the Zealanders.f But the chief seat of prosperity was the
south. Flanders alone was taxed for one-third of the general
burdens of the state. Brabant paid only one-seventh less
than Flanders. So that these two rich provinces contributed
thirteen out of twenty-one parts of the general contribution ;
and all the rest combined, but eight. A search for further
or minuter proofs of the comparative state of the various di-
visions of the country would be superfluous.
The perpetual quarrels of Charles V. with Francis I. and
Charles of Guelders led, as may be supposed, to a repeated
state of exhaustion, which forced the princes to pause, till
the people recovered strength and resources for each fresh
encounter. Charles rarely appeared in the Netherlands;
fixing his residence chiefly in Spain, and leaving to his sister
the regulation of those distant provinces. One of his occa-
sional visits was for the purpose of inflicting a terrible exam-
ple upon them. The people of Ghent, suspecting an un-
proper or improvident application of the funds they had
furnished for a new campaign, offered themselves to march
against the French, instead of being forced to pay their quota
of some further subsidy. The government having rejected
this proposal, a sedition was the result, at the moment when
Charles and Francis already negotiated one of their tempo-
rary reconciliations. On this occasion, Charles formed the
daring resolution of crossing the kingdom of France, to
promptly take into his own hands the settlement of this af-
fair— trusting to the generosity of his scarcely reconciled
enemy not to abuse the confidence with which he risked
himself in his power. Ghent, taken by surprise, did not dare
to oppose the entrance of the emperor, when he appeared
before the walls ; and the city was punished with extreme
severity. Twenty-seven leaders of the sedition were be-
headed ; the principal privileges of the city were withdrawn ;
and a citadel built to hold it in check for the future. Charles
met with neither opposition nor complaint. The province
Giiiccianlini, Descriiitin E-jlgii. j Vanriergoes, Rpjist. t. i.
lood. ABDICATION OF CHARLES. 73
]iad so prospered under his sway, and was so flattered by the
greatness of the sovereign, who was born in the town he so
severely punished, that his acts of despotic harshness were
borne without a murmur. But in the north the people did
not view his measures so complacently : and a wide separa-
tion in interests and opinions became manifest in the different
divisions of the nation.
Yet the Dutch and the Zealanders signalized themselves
beyond all his other subjects on the occasion of two expedi-
tions which Charles undertook against Tunis and Algiers.
The two northern provinces furnished a greater number of
ships than the united quotas of all the rest of his states.* But
though Charles's gratitude did not lead him to do any thing
in return as peculiarly favorable to these provinces, he ob-
tained for them nevertheless a great advantage in making
himself master of Friesland and Guelders on the death of
Charles of Egmont. His acquisition of the latter, which took
place in 1543, put an end to the domestic wars of the north-
ern provinces. From that period they might fairly look for
a futurity of union and peace ; and thus the latter years of
Charles promised better for his country than his early ones,
though he obtained less success in his new wars with France,
which were not, however, signalized by any grand event on
either side.
Towards the end of his career, Charles redoubled his se-
verities against the Protestants, and even introduced a modi-
fied species of inquisition into the Netherlands, but with little
effect towards the suppression of the reformed doctrines. The
misunderstandings between his only son Philip and Mary of
England, whom he had induced him to marry, and the una-
miable disposition of this young prince, tormented him al-
most as much as he was humiliated by the victories of Henry
n. of France, the successor of Francis I., and the successful
dissimulation of Maurice elector of Saxony, by whom he u'as
completely outwitted, deceived, and defeated. Impelled by
these motives, and others, perhaps, which are and must ever
remain unknown, Charles at length decided on abdicating the
whole of his immense possessions. He chose the city of
Brussels as the scene of the solemnity, and the day fixed for
it was the 25th of October, 1555.t It took place accordingly,
in the presence of the king of Bohemia, the duke of Savoy,
the dowager queens of France and Hungary, the duchess of
Lorraine, and an immense assemblage of nobility from vari-
ous countries. Charles resigned the empire to his brother
* Chron. van Zeeland. t Vandervynct, t. i. p. 107.
74 IIISTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1555
Ferdinand, already king- of the Romans ; and all the rest of
liis dominions to his son. Soon after the ceremony, Charles
embarked from Zealand on his voyag-e to Spain. He retired
to the monastery of St. Justus, near the town of Placentia,
in Estremadura. He entered this retreat in February, 1556,
and died there on the 21st of September, 1558, in the 59th
year of his age. The last six months of his existence, con-
trasted with the daring- vig"or of his former life, formed a
melancholy picture of timidity and superstition.*
The whole of the provinces of tlie Netherlands being- now
for the first time united under one sovereign, such a junction
marks the limits of a second epoch in their history. It would
be a presumptuous and vain attempt to trace, in a compass so
confined as ours, the various changes in manners and cus-
toms which arose in these countries during a period of one
thousand years. The extended and profound remarks of many
celebrated writers on the state of Europe from the decline of
the Roman power to the epoch at which we are now arrived
must be referred to, to judge of the gradual progress of civili-
zation through the gloom of the dark ages, till the dawn of
enlightment which led to the grand system of European poli-
tics commenced during the reign of Charles V.f The amaz-
ing increase of commerce was, above all other considerations,
the cause of the growth of liberty in tlie Netherlands. The
Reformation opened the minds of men to that intellectual
freedom, without which political enfranchisement is a worth-
less privilege. The invention of printmg opened a thousand
channels to the flow of erudition and talent, and sent them
out from the reservoirs of individual possession to fertilize the
whole domain of human nature. War, v.'hich seems to be an
instinct of man, and which particular instances of heroism
often raise to the dignity of a passion, was reduced to a sci-
ence, and made subservient to those great principles of policy
in which society began to perceive iCs only chance of durable
good. Manufactures attained a state of high perfection, and
went on progressively with the growth of wealth and luxury.
The opulence of the towns of Brabant and Flanders was
without any previous example in tlie state of Europe. A
merchant of Bruges took upon himself alone the security for
the ransona of John the Fearless, taken at the battle of Nico-
polis, amounting to 200,000 ducats. A provost of Valencien-
nes repaired to Paris at one of the great fairs periodically
held there, and purchased on his own account every article
that was for sale. At a repast given by one of the counts of
* Robertson. t See Gibbon, Robertson, &c.
1555. COMMERCIAL WEALTH. 75
Flanders to the Flemisli mag-istrates, the seats tliey occupied
were unfurnished with cushions. Those proud burghers
folded their sumptuous cloaks and sat on them. After the
feast they were retiring without retaining' these important
and costly articles of dress ; and on a courtier reminding them
of their apparent neg'lect, the burgomaster of Bruges replied,
"We Flemings are not in the habit of carrying away^tke
cushions after dinner !"* The meetings of the different towns
for the sports of archery were signalized by the most splen-
did display of dress and decoration. The archers were habited
in silk, damask, and the finest linen, and carried chains of
gold of great weight and value. Luxury was at its height
among women. The queen of Philip the Fair of France, on
a visit to Bruges, exclaimed, with astonishment not unmixed
with envy, " I thought myself the only queen here ; but I see
six hundred others who appear more so than I."
The court of Philip the Good seemed to carry magnificence
and splendor to their greatest possible height. The dresses
of both men and women at this chivalric epoch were of al-
most incredible expense. Velvet, satin, gold, and precious
stones, seemed the ordinary materials for the dress of either
sex ; while the very housings of the horses sparkled with
brilliants and cost immense sums. This absurd extravagance
was carried so far, that Charles V. found himself forced at
length to proclaim sumptuary laws for its repression.
The style of the banquets given on grand occasions was
regulated on a scale of almost puerile splendor. The banquet
of vows given at Lille, in the year 1453, and so callru from
the obligations entered into by some of the nobles to accom-
pany Philip in a new crusade against the infidels, showed a
succession of costly fooleries, most amusing in the detail given
by an eye-witness, the minutest of the chroniclers, but un-
luckily too long to find a place in our pages.f
Such excessive luxury natura-lly led to great corruption of
manners and the commission of terrible crimes. During the
reign of Philip de Male, there were committed in the city of
Ghent and its outskirts, in less than a year, above 1400 mur-
ders in gambling-houses and other resorts of debauchery.|
As early as the tenth century, the petty sovereigns established
on the ruins of the empire of Charlemagne began the inde-
pendent coining of money ; and the various provinces were
during the rest of this epoch inundated with a most embar-
rassing variety of gold, silver, and copper. Even in ages of
* Cron. Van Vlaenderen. t See Oliver de la Marche, 1. i f. 29.
J O'ldegherst, t. ii.
76 HISTORY OF Tin: Netherlands. 1555.
com])arative darkness, literature made feeble efforts to burst
through the entangled weeds of superstition, ignorance, and
war. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, liistory was
greatly cultivated ; and Froissart, Monstrelet, Oliver de la
Slarche, and Philip de Comines, gave to their chronicles and
memoirs a cliarm of style since their days almost unrivalled.
Poetry began to be followed with success in the Netherlands,
in the Dutch, Flemish, and French languages ; and even be-
fore the institution of the Floral Games in France, Belgium
possessed its chambers of rhetoric (rederykkamers,) which
labored to keep alive the sacred flame of poetry w^ith more
zeal than success. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
these societies were established in almost every burgh of
Flanders and Brabant ; the principal towns possessing several
at once.*
The arts in their several branches made considerable pro-
gress in the Netherlands during this epoch. Architecture
was greatly cultivated in the thirteenth and fourteenth centu-
ries; most of the cathedrals and town houses being con-
structed in that age. Their vastness, solidity, and beauty of
design and execution, make them still speaking monuments
of the stern magnificence and finished taste of the times.
The patronage of Philip the Good, Charles the Rash, and
Margaret of Austria, brought music into fashion, and led to
its cultivation in a remarkable degree. The first musicians
of France were drawn from Flanders ; and other professors
from that country acquired great celebrity in Italy for their
scien/'fic improvements in their delightful art.f
Painting, which had languished before the fifteenth centu-
ry, sprung at once into a new existence from the invention
of John Van Eyck, known better by the name of John of
Bruges. His accidental discovery of the art of painting in
oil quickly spread over Europe, and served to perpetuate to
all time the records of the genius which has bequeathed its
vivid impressions to the world. Painting on glass, polishing
diamonds, the Carillon, lace, and tapestry, were among the
inventions which owed their birth to the Netherlands in these
ages, when the faculties of mankind sought so many new
channels for mechanical development. The discovery of a
new world by Columbus and other eminent navigators gave
a fresh and powerful impulse to European talent, by afibrding
an unmense reservoir for its reward. The town of Antwerp
was, during the reign of Charles V., the outlet for the in-
dustry of Europe, and the receptacle for the productions of
* De Smet. Hist, de la Beleique, t. i. p. 203. t Guicciardini.
1555. PHILIP II. 77
all the nations of the earth. Its port was so often crowded
with vessels, that each successive fleet was obliged to wait
long in the Scheldt before it could obtain admission for the
discharge of its cargoes. The university of Louvain, that
great nursery of science, was founded in 1425, and served
greatly to the spread of knowledge, although it degenerated
into the hot-bed of those fierce disputes which stamped on
theology the degradation of bigotry, and drew down odium
on a study that, if purely practised, ought only to inspire
veneration.
Charles V. was the first to establish a solid plan of govern-
ment, instead of the constant fluctuations in the management
of justice, police, and finance. He caused the edicts of the
various sovereigns, and the municipal usages, to be embodied
into a system of laws ; and thus gave stability and method
to the enjoyment of the prosperity in which he left his do-
minions.
CHAP. VII.
1555—1566.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP II. OF SPAIN TO THE ESTABLISH-
MENT OF THE INQUISITION IN THE NETHERLANDS.
It has been shown that the Netherlands were never in a
more flourishing state than at the accession of Philip II. The
external relations of the country presented an aspect of pros-
perity and peace. England was closely allied to it by queen
Mary's marriage with Philip; France, fatigued with war,
had just concluded with it a five years' truce ; Germany,
paralyzed by religious dissensions, exliausted itself in do-
mestic quarrels; the other states were too distant or too
weak to inspire any uneasiness ; and nothing appeared want-
hig for the public weal. Nevertheless there was something
dangerous and alarming in the situation of the Low Coun-
tries ; but the danger consisted wholly in the connexion be-
tween the monarch and the people, and the alarm was not
sounded till the mischief was beyond remedy.
From the time that Charles V. was called to reign over
Spain, he may be said to have been virtually lost to the coun-
try of his birth. He was no longer a mere duke of Brabant
or Limberg, a count of Flanders or Holland ; he was also
king of Castile, Aragon, Leon, and Navarre, of Naples, and
78 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1555.
of Sicily. These various kingdoms had interests evidently
opposed to those of the Low Countries, and forms of govern-
ment far difierent. It was scarcely to be doubted that the
absolute monarch of so many people would look with a jeal-
ous eye on the institutions of those provinces which placed
limits to his power ; and the natural consequence was, that
he who was a legitimate king in the south soon degenerated
into a usurping master in the north.
But during the reign of Charles the danger was in some
measure lessened, or at least concealed from public view, by
the apparent facility with which he submitted to and observed
the laws and customs of his native country. With Philip, the
case v\'as far different, and the results too obvious. Unin-
formed on the Belgian character, despising the state of man-
ners, and ignorant of the language, no sympathy attached
him to the people. He brought with him to the throne all
the hostile prejudi-ces of a foreigner, without one of the kind-
ly or considerate feelings of a compatriot.
Spain, where this young prince had hitherto passed his
life, was in some degree excluded from European civilization.
A contest of seven centuries between the Mahomedan tribes
and the descendants of the Visigoths, cruel, like all civil
wars, and, like all those of religion, not merely a contest of
rulers, but essentially of the people, had given to the man-
ners and feelings of this unhappy country a deep stamp of
barbarity. The ferocity of military chieftains had become
the basis of the government and laws. The Christian kings
had adopted the perfidious and bloody system of the despotic
sultans they replaced. JMagnificence and tyranny, power
and cruelty, wisdom and dissimulation, respect and fear, were
inseparably associated in the minds of a people so governed.
They comprehended nothing in religion but a God armed
with omnipotence and vengeance, or in politics but a king as
terrible as the deity he represented.
Philip, bred in this school of slavish superstition, taught
that he was the despot for whom it was formed, familiar with
the degrading tactics of eastern tvranny, was at once the
most contemptible and unfortunate of men. Isolated from
his kind, and wishing to appear superior to those beyond
whom his station had placed him, he was insensible to the
affections which soften and ennoble human nature. He was
perpetually filled with one idea — that of his greatness ; he
had but one ambition — that of command ; but one enjoyment
— that of exciting fear. Victim to this revolting selfishness,
his heart was never free from care ; and the bitter melancholy
of his character seemed to nourish a desire of evil-doing,
1555. HIS CHARACTER AND POLICY. 79
which irritated suffering- often produces in man. Deceit and
blood were his greatest, if not his only, delights. The reli-
gious zeal which he affected, or felt, showed itself but in acts
of cruelty ; and the fanatic bigotry which inspired him form-
ed the strongest contrast to the divine spirit of Christianity.
Nature had endowed this ferocious being with wonderful
penetration and unusual self-command; the first revealing
to him the views of others, and the latter giving him the
surest means of counteracting them, by enabling him to con-
trol himself Although ignorant, he had a prodigious instinct
of cunning. He wanted courage, but its place was supplied
by the harsh obstinacy of wounded pride. All the corrup-
tions of intrigue were familiar to him ; yet he often failed
in his most deep-laid designs, at the very moment of their
apparent success, by the recoil of the bad faith and treachery
w^ith which his plans were overcharged.
Such was the man who now began that terrible reign
which menaced utter ruin to the national prosperity of the
Netherlands. His father had already sapped its foundations,
by encouraging foreign manners and ideas among the no-
bility, and dazzling them with the hope of the honors and
wealth w^hich he had at his disposal abroad. His severe
edicts against heresy had also begun to accustom the nation
to religious discords and hatred. Philip soon enlarged on
what Charles had commenced, and he unmercifully sacrificed
the well-being of a people to the worst objects of his selfish
ambition,
Philip had only once visited the Netherlands before his
accession to sovereign power. Being at that time twenty-
two years of age, his opinions were formed and his prejudices
deeply rooted. Every thing that he observed on this visit
was calculated to revolt both. Tlie frank cordiality of the
people appeared too familiar. Tlie expression of popular
rights sounded like the voice of rebellion. Even the mag-
nificence displayed in his honor offended his jealous vanity.
From that moment he seems to have conceived an implaca
ble aversion to the country, in which alone, of all his vast
possessions, he could not display the power or inspire the ter-
ror of despotism.
The sovereign's dislike was fully equalled by the disgust
of his subjects. His haughty severity and vexatious etiquette
revolted their pride as well as their plain dealing ; and the
moral qualities of their new sovereign were considered with
lothing. The commercial and political connexion between
the Netherlands and ^pain had given the two people ample
opportunities for mutual acquaintance. The dark, vindictive
80 UlSTORY OF THE KKTllEKLANDS. 1557.
dispositions of the latter inspired a deep antipathy in those
whom civilization had softened and liberty rendered frank
and generous ; and the new sovereign seemed to embody all
that was repulsive and odious in the nation of which he was
the type. Yet Philip did not at first act in a way to make
himself more particularly hated. He rather, by an apparent
consideration for a few points of political interest and indi-
vidual privilege, and particularly by the revocation of some
of the edicts against heretics, removed the suspicions his
earlier conduct had excited ; and his intended victims did not
perceive that the despot sought to lull them to sleep, in the
hopes of making them an easier prey.
Philip knew well that force alone was insufficient to reduce
such a people to slavery. He succeeded in persuading the
states to grant him considerable subsidies, some of which
were to be paid by instalments during a period of nine years.
That was gaming a great step towards his designs, as it super-
seded the necessity of a yearly application to the three
orders, the guardians of the public liberty. At the same
time he sent secret agents to Rome, to obtain the approbation
of the pope to his insidious but most effective plan for placmg
the whole of the clergy in dependence upon the crown. He also
kept up the army of Spaniards and Germans which his father
had formed on the frontiers of France ; and although he did
not remove from their employments the functionaries already
in place, he took care to make no new appointments to office
among the natives of the Netherlands.
In the midst of these cunning preparations for tyranny,
Philip was suddenly attacked in two quarters at once ; by
Henry II. of France, and by pope Paul IV. A prince less
obstinate than Pliilip would in such circumstances have re-
nounced, or at least postponed, his designs against the liberties
of so important a part of his dominions, as those to which he
was obliged to have recourse for aid in support of this double
war. But he seemed to make every foreign consideration
subservient to the object of domestic aggression which he
had so much at heart.
He, however, promptly met the threatened dangers from
abroad. He turned his first attention towards his contest
with the pope ; and he extricated himself from it with an
adroitness that proved the whole force and cunning of his
cliaracter. Having first publicly obtained the opinion of
several doctors of theology, that he was justified in taking
arms against the pontiff (a point on which there was really
no doubt,) he ^^rosfcuttvl the war with the utmost vigor, by
the means of the afterwards notorious duke of Alva, at that
1059. WARS WITH ^liA^cE aisd the vove. t'l
time viceroy of his Italian dominions. Paul soon yielded to
superior skill and force, and demanded terms of peace, which
were granted with a readiness and seeminj^ liberality that
astonished no one more than the defeated pontiff. But Philip's
moderation to his enemy was far outdone by his perfidy to his
allies. He confirmed Alva's consent to the confiscation of
the domains of the noble Romans who had espoused his
cause ; and thus gained a staunch and pow'erful supporter to
all his future projects in the religious authority of the suc-
cessor of St. Peter.
His conduct in the conclusion of the war v/ith France was
not less base. His army, under the command of Philibert
Emmanuel, duke of Savoy, consisting of Belgians, Germans,
and Spaniards, with a considerable body of English, sent by
Mary to the assistance of her husband, penetrated into Pic-
ardy, and gained a complete victory over the French forces.
The honor of this brilliant afl^air, which took place near St.
Quintin, w^as almost wholly due to the count d'Egmont, a
Belgian noble, who commanded the light cavalry; but the
king, unwilling to let any one man enjoy the glory of the
day, piously pretended that he owed the entire obligation to
St. Lawa-ence, on whose festival the battle w^as fought. His
gratitude or hypocrisy found a fitting monument in the cele-
brated convent and palace of the Escurial, which he absurdly
caused to be built in the form of a gridiron, the instrument
of the saint's martyrdom. When the news of the victory
reached Charles V. in his retreat, the old warrior inquired if
Philip was in Paris 1 but the cautious victor had no notion of
such prompt manoeuvring ; nor would he risk against foreign
enemies the exhaustion of forces destined for the enslave-
ment of his people.
The French in some measure retrieved their late disgrace
by the capture of Calais, the only town remaining to England
of all its French conquests, and w^hich, consequently, had
deeply interested the national glory of each people. In the
early part of the year 1558, one of the generals of Henry 11.
made an irruption into Western Flanders ; but the gallant
count of Egmont once more proved his valor and skill, by
attacking and totally defeating the invaders near the town
of Gravelines.
A general peace was concluded in April, 1559, which bore
the name of Cciteau-Cambresis, from that of the place where
it w^as negotiated. Philip secured for himself various advan-
tages in the treaty ; but he sacrificed the interests of England,
by consenting to the retention of Calais by the French king,
-a ces^^ion deeply humiliating to the national pride of his
R
82 HISTORY OF THE NETHEKLAKDS. 1559.
allies ; and, if general opinion be correct, a proximate cause
of his consort's death. The alliance of France and the sup-
port of Rome, the important results of the two wars now
broug-ht to a close, were counterbalanced by the well-known
hostility of Elizabeth, who had succeeded to the throne of
England ; and this latter consideration was an additional mo-
tive with Philip to push forward the design of consolidating
his despotism in the Low Countries.
To lead his already deceived subjects the more surely into
the snare, he announced his intended departure on a short
visit to Spain ; and created for the period of his absence a
provisional government, chiefly composed of the leading men
among the Belgian nobility. He flattered himself that the
states, dazzled by the illustrious illusion thus prepared, would
cheerfully grant to this provisional government the right of
levying taxes during the temporary absence of the sovereign.
He also reckoned on the influence of the clergy in the na-
tional assembly, to procure the revival of the edicts against
heresy, which he had gained the merit of suspending. These,
wath many minor details of profound duplicity, formed tlie
principal features of a plan, which, if successful, would have
reduced the Netherlands to the wretched state of colonial
dependence by which Naples and Sicily were held in the
tenure of Spain.
As soon as the states had consented to place the whole
powers of government in the hands of the new administra-
tion for the period of the king's absence, the royal hypocrite
believed his scheme secure, and flattered himself he had es-
tablished an instrument of durable despotism. The compo-
sition of this new government was a masterpiece of political
machinery. It consisted of several councils, in which the
most distinguished citizens were entitled to a place, in suffi-
cient numbers to deceive the people w4th a show of repre-
sentation, but not enough to command a majority, which was
sure on any important question to rest with the titled crea-
tures of the court. The edicts against heresy, soon adopted,
gave to the clergy an almost unlimited power over the lives
and fortunes of the people. But almost all the dignitaries of
the church being men of great respectability and moderation,
chosen by the body of the inferior clergy, these extraordinary
powers excited little alarm. Philip's project was suddenly
to replace these virtuous ecclesiastics by others of his o^\Tl
choice, as soon as the states broke up from their annual meet-
ing ; and for this intention lie had procured the secret con-
sent and authority of the court of Rome.
In support of these combinations, the Belgian troops were
1559. Philip's intr gues for despotic power. 83
completely broken up and scattered in small bodies over the
country. The whole of this force, so redoubtable to the
fears of despotism, consisted of only 3000 cavalry. It was
now divided into fourteen companies (or squadrons in the
modern phraseolog-y,) under the command of as many inde-
pendent chiefs, so as to leave little chance of any principle
of union reigninor among them. But the German and Span-
ish troops in Philip's pay were cantoned on the frontiers,
ready to stifle any incipient effort in opposition to his plans.
In addition to these imposing" means for their execution, he
had secured a still more secret and more powerful support;
— a secret article in the treaty of Cfiteau-Cambresis obliged
the king- of France to assist him with the whole armies of
France against his Belgian subjects, should they prove re-
fractory. Thus the late war, of which the Netherlands had
borne all the weight, and earned all the glory, only brought
about the junction of the defeated enemy with their own
king for the extinction of their national independence.
To complete the execution of this system of perfidy, Philip
convened an assembly of all the states at Ghent, in the
month of July, 1559. This meeting of the representatives
of the three orders of the state offered no apparent ob-
stacle to Philip's views. The clergy, alarmed at the pro-
gress of the new doctrines, gathered more closely round
the government of which they required the support. The
nobles had lost much of their ancient attachment to liberty;
and had become, in various ways, dependent on the royal
favor. Many of the first families were then represented by
men possessed rather of courage and candor than of foresight
and sagacity. That of Nassau, the most distinguished of all,
seemed the least interested in the national cause. A great
part of its possessions were in Germany and France, where
it had recently acquired the sovereign principality of Orange.
It was only from the third order — that of the commons — that
Philip had to expect any opposition. Already, during the
war, it had shown some discontent, and had insisted on the
nomination of commissioners to control the accounts and the
disbursements of the subsidies. But it seemed improbable,
that among this class of men, any would be found capable of
penetrating the manifold combinations of the king, and dis-
concerting his designs.
Anthony Perrenotte de Granvelle, bishop of Arras, who
was considered as Philip's favorite counsellor, but who was
in reality no more than his docile agent, was commissioned to
address the assembly in the name of his master, w^ho spoke
only Spanish. His oration was one of cautious deception.
84 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1559.
and contained the most flattering- assurances of Philip's at-
tachment to the people of the Netherlands. It excused the
kino- for not having' nominated his only son Don Carlos to
reig-n over them in his name ; alleging-, as a proof of his
royal affection, that he preferred giving- them as governant a
Belgian princess, Madame Marguerite duchess of Parma,
the natural daughter of Charles V. by a young lady a native
of Audenarde. Fair promises and fine words were thus lav-
ished in profusion to gain the confidence of the deputies.
But notwithstanding all the talent, the caution, and the
mystery of Philip and his minister, there was among the no-
bles one man who saw through all. This individual, endowed
with many of the highest attributes of political genius, and
pre-eminently with judgment, the most important of all, en-
tered fearlessly uito the contest against tyranny — despising
every personal sacrifice for the country's good. Without
making himself suspiciously prominent, he privately warned
some members of the states of the coming danger. Those
in whom he confided did not betray the trust. They spread
among the other deputies the alarm, and pointed out the
danger to which they had been so judiciously awakened. The
consequence was, a reply to Philip's demand, in vague and
general terms, without binding the nation by any pledge ;
and an unanimous entreaty that he would diminish the taxes,
withdraw the foreign troops, and entrust no official employ-
ments to any but natives of the country. The object of this
last request was the removal of Granvelle, who was born in
Franche-Comte.
Philip was utterly astounded at all this. In the first moment
of his vexation he imprudently cried out, " Would ye, then,
also bereave me of my place; L who am a Spaniard]" But
he soon recovered his self-command, and resumed his usual
mask ; expressed his regret at not having sooner learned the
wishes of the state ; promised to remove the foreign troops
within three months; and set off" for Zealand, with assumed
composure, but filled with the fury of a discovered traitor
and a humiliated despot.
A fleet under the command of count Horn, the admiral of
the United Provinces, waited at Flessmgue to form his escort
to Spain. At the very moment of his departure, William of
Nassau, prince of Orange and governor of Zealand, waited
on him to pay his official respects. The king, taking him
apart from the other attendant nobles, recommended him to
hasten the execution of several gentlemen and wealthy citi-
zens attached to the newly introduced religious opinions.
Then, quite suddenly, whether in the random impulse of
1559. INCREASE OF CO^IMERC'E. 85
suppressed rage, or that Lis piercing glance dii;covcncd AVil-
liani's secret feelings in his countenance, he accused him
with having been the means of tliwarting his designs. " Sire,"
replied Nassau, " it was the work of the national states," —
" No !" cried Philip, grasping him furiously by the arm ; " it was
not done by the states, but by you, and you alone !"*
This glorious accusation was not repelled. He who had
saved his country in unmasking the designs of its tyrant, ad-
mitted by his silence his title to the hatred of tlie one and the
gratitude of the other. On the 20th of August, Philip em-
barked and set sail ; turning his back for ever on the country
vrhich offered the first check to his despotism ; and, after a
perilous voyage, lie arrived in that which permitted a free
indulgence to his ferocious and sanguinary career.
For some time after Philip's departure, the Netherlands
continued to enjoy considerable prosperity. From the period
of the peace of Cateau-Cambresis, commerce and na,vigation
had acquired new and increasing activity. The fisheries, but
particularly that of herrings, became daily more important ;
that one alone occupying 2000 boats. While Holland, Zea-
land, and Friesland made this progress in their peculiar
branches of industry, the southern })rovinces were not less
active or successful. Spain and the colonies offered such a
mart for the objects of their manufacture, that in a single year
they received from Flanders fifty large ships, filled with ar-
ticles of household furniture and utensils. The exportation
of woollen goods amounted to enormous sums. Bruges alone
sold aimually to the amount of 4,000,000 florins of stufis of
Spanish, and as much of English, wool; and the least value
of the florin then was quadruple its present worth. The
commerce witli England though less important tlian that with
Spain, was calculated yearly at 24,000,000 florins, which was
chiefly clear profit to the Netherlands, as their exportations
consisted almost entirely of objects of their own manufacture.
Their conmiercial relations with France, Germany, Italy,
Portugal, and the Levant, were daily increasing, Antwerp
was the centre of this prodigious trade. Several sovereigns,
among others Elizabeth of England, had recognized agents
in that city, equivalent to consuls of the present times ; and
loans of immense amount were frequently negotiated by
them with wealthy merchants, who furnished them, not in
neo-otiable bills or for unredeemable debentures, but in solid
gold, and on a simple acknowledgment,
* Schiller. The words of Philip wore: "JVo, vo hs estados; ma vos, vos,
ros!" Vos thus usofl in Spanish is a icrja of contempt, equivalent to toi ia
80 HISTORY OF J'HPJ NETHERLANDS. 1560.
Flanders and Brabant were still the richest a^d most flour-
ishmg portions of the state. Some municipal fetes given
about this time afford a notion of their opulence. On one of
these occasions the town of Mechlin sent a deputation to
Antwerp, consisting of 326 horsemen dressed in velvet and
satin with gold and silver ornaments ; while those of Brus-
sels consisted of 340, as splendidly equipped, and accompanied
by seven huge triumphal chariots and seventy-eight carriages
of various constructions, — a prodigious number for those days.
But the splendor and prosperity which thus sprung out of
the national industry and independence, and which a wise or
a generous sovereign would have promoted, or at least have
established on a permanent basis, was destined speedily to
sink beneath the bigoted fury of Philip II. The new govern-
ment which he had established was most ingeniously adapted
to produce every imaginable evil to the state. The king,
hundreds of leagues distant, could not himself issue an order
but with a lapse of time ruinous to any object of pressing im-
portance. The governant-general, who represented him,
having but a nominal authority, was forced to follow her in-
structions, and liable to have all her acts reversed ;* besides
which, she had the king's orders to consult her private coun-
cil on all affairs whatever, and the council of state on any
matter of paramount importance. These two councils, how-
ever, contained the elements of a serious opposition to the
royal projects, in the persons of the patriot nobles sprinkled
among Philip's devoted creatures. Thus the influence of
the crown was often thwarted, if not actually balanced ; and
the proposals which emanated from it frequently opposed by
the governant herself She, although a woman of masculine
appearance and habits,f was possessed of no strength of
mind. Her prevailing sentiment seemed to be dread of the
king; yet she was at times influenced by a sense of justice,
and by the remonstrances of the well-judging members of her
councils. But these were not all the difficulties that clogged
the machinery of the state. After the king, the government,
and the councils, liad deliberated on any measure, its execu-
tion rested with the provincial governors or stadtholders, or
the magistrates of the towns. Almost every one of these,
being strongly attached to the laws and customs of the nation,
hesitated, or refused to obey the orders conveyed to them,
when those orders appeared illegal. Some, however, yielded
to the authority of the government ; so it often happened that
an edict, which in one district was carried into full effect,
* Vandervynct. t Strada.
1561. INEFFICIENCY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 87
was in others deferred, rejected, or violated, in a way pro-
ductive of great confusion in the public affairs.
Philip was conscious that he had himself to blame for the
consequent disorder. In nominating- tlie members of the two
councils, he had overreached himself in his plan for silently-
sapping the liberty that was so obnoxious to his designs. But
to neutralize the influence of the restive members, he had
left Granvelle the first place in the administration. This
man, an immoral ecclesiastic, an eloquent orator, a supple
courtier, and a profound politician, bloated with pride, envy,
insolence, and vanity, was the real head of the government.*
Next to him among the royalist party was Viglius, president
of the privy-council, an erudite schoolman, attached less to
the broad principles of justice than to the letter of the laws,
and thus carrying pedantry into tlie very councils of the
state. Next in order came the count de Berlaimont, head of
the financial department, — a stern and intolerant satellite of
the court, and a furious enemy to those national institutions
which operated as checks upon fraud. These three individu-
als formed the governant's privy-council. The remaining
creatures of the king were mere subaltern agents.
A government so composed could scarcely fail to excite
discontent, and create danger to the public weal. The first
proof of incapacity was elicited by the measures required for
the departure of the Spanish troops. The period fixed by the
king had already expired, and these obnoxious foreigners
were still in the country, living in part on pillage, and each
day committing some new excess. Complaints were carried
in successive gradation from the government to the council,
and from the council to the king. The Spaniards were re-
moved to Zealand ; but instead of being embarked at any of
its ports, they were detained there on various pretexts.
Money, ships, or, on necessity, a wind, was professed to be
still wanting for their final removal, by those who found ex-
cuses for delay in every element of nature or subterfuge of
art. In the mean time those ferocious soldiers ravaged a
part of the country. The simple natives at length declared
they would open the sluices of their dikes ; preferring to be
swallowed by the waters rather than remain exposed to the
cruelty and rapacity of those Spaniards.! Still the embarka-
tion was postponed ; until the king, requiring his troops in
* Strada, a royalist, a Jesuit, and therefore a fair witness on tliis point,
uses the following words in portraying the character of this odious minis-
ter. Jlnimum avidum invidtimque, ac simullates inter princiji em. etpopulos
ocr.ulti foventum.
t Watson's Life of Philip II.
88 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 15(51.
Spain lor some domestic project, they took their long-desired
departure in the beginning of tlie year 1561.
The public discontent at this just cause was soon, how-
ever, overwlielmed by one infinitely more important and
lasting. TJie Belgian clergy had hitherto formed a free and
powerful order in tlie state, governed and represented by
four bisliops, chosen by the chapters of the towms, or elected
by the monks of the principal abbeys. These bishops, pos-
sessing an independent territorial revenue, and not directly
subject to the influence of the crown, had interests and feel-
ings in common with the nation. But Philip had prepared,
and the pope had sanctioned, the new system of ecclesiastical
organization before alluded to, and the provisional govern-
ment now put it into execution.* Instead of four bishops, it
was intended to appoint eighteen, tlieir nomination being
vested in the king. By a wily system of trickery, the sub-
serviency of the abbeys was also aimed at. The new pre-
lates, on a pretended principle of economy, w^ere endowed
with the title of abbots of the chief monasteries of their
respective dioceses. Thus not only would they enjoy the
immense wealth of these establishments, but the political
rights of the abbots whom they were to succeed ; and the
whole of the ecclesiastical order become gradually repre-
sented (after the death of the then living abbots) by the
creatures of the crown.
The consequences of this vital blow to the integrity of the
national institutions were evident; and the indignation of
both clergy and laity was universal. Every legal means of
opposition were resorted to, but the people were without
leaders ; the states were not in session. While the authority
of the pope and the king combined, the reverence excited by
the very name of religion, and the address and perseverance
of the government, formed too powerful a combination, and
triumphed over the national discontents which had not yet
been formed into resistance. The new bishops were appoint-
ed ; Granvelle securing for himself the archiepiscopal see of
Mechlin, with the title of primate of the Low Countries. At
the same time Paul IV. put the crowning point to the capital
of his ambition, by presenting him with a cardinal's hat.
The new bishops were to a man most violent, intolerant,
and it may be conscientious, opponents to the wide-spreading
doctrines of reform. The execution of the edicts against
heresy was confided to them. The provincial governors and
inferior magistrates were commanded to aid them v/ith a
* Vandervynct.
loOl. THK KKFOK31ATIO.\. 8U
strong arm ; and tlie most unjust and friglitf ul persecution
immediately commenced. But still some of these govern-
ors and magistrates, considering themselves not only the
officers of the prince, but the protectors of the people,
and the defenders of the laws rather than of the fliith, did
not blindly conform to those harsh and illegal commands.
The prince of Orange, stadtholder of Holland, Zealand, and
Utrecht, and the count of Egmont, governor of Flanders and
Artois, permitted no persecutions in those five provinces.
But in various places the very people, even when influenced
by their superiors, openly opposed it. Catholics as well as
Protestants were indignant at the atrocious spectacles of
cruelty presented on all sides. The public peace was endan-
gered by isolated acts of resistance, and fears of a general in-
surrection soon became universal.
The apparent temporizing or seeming uncertainty of the
champions of the new doctrines formed the great obstacle to
the reformation, and tended to prolong the dreadful struggle
which was now only commencing in the Low Countries. It
\vas a matter of great difficulty to convince the people tliat
popery was absurd, and at the same time to set limits to the
absurdity. Had the change been from blind belief to total
infidelity, it would (as in a modern instance) have been much
easier, though less lasting. Men might, in a time of such
excitement, have been persuaded that all religion productive
of abuses such as then abounded was a farce, and that com-
mon sense called for its abolition. But when the boundaries
of belief became a question; when the world was told it
ought to reject some doctrines, and retain others which seemed
as difficult of comprehension ; when one tenet was pronounced
idolatry, and to doubt another declared damnation ; — the
world either exploded or recoiled : it went too far, or it shrank
back ; plunged into atheism, or relapsed into popery. It was
thus the reformation was checked in the first instance. Its
supporters were the strong-minded and intelligent; and they
never, and least of all in those days, formed the mass. Su-
perstition and bigotry had enervated the intellects of the ma-
jority ; and the high resolve of those wdth whom the great
work commenced, was mixed with a severity that materially
retarded its progress. For though personal interests, as with
Henry VIII. of England, and rigid enthusiasm, as with Cal-
vin, strengthened the infant reformation; the first led to vio-
lence whicli irritated many, the second to austerity which dis-
gusted them ; and it was soon discovered tint tiio change was
almost confined to forms of practice, and that the essentials
of abuse were likely to be carefully preserved. All these.
90 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1561.
and other arg-uments, artfully modified to distract the people,
were urged by the new bishops in the Netherlands, and by
those whom they employed to arrest the progress of reform.
Among the various causes of the general confusion, the
situation of Brabant gave to that province a peculiar sJiare of
suffering. Brussels, its capital, being the seat of government,
had no particular chief magistrate, like the other provinces.
The executive power was therefore wholly confided to the
nmnicipal authorities and the territorial ])roprietors. But
these, though generally patriotic in their views, were divided
into a multiplicity of different opinions. Rivalry and resent-
ment produced a total want of union, ended in anarchy, and
prepared the way for civil war. William of Nassau pene-
trated the cause, and proposed the remedy in moving for the
appointment of a provincial governor. This proposition terri-
fied Granvelle, who saw, as clearly as did his sagacious oppo-
nent in the council, that the nomination of a special protector
between the people and the government would have para-
lyzed all his efforts for hurrying on the discord and resistance
which were meant to be the plausible excuses for the intro-
duction of arbitrary power. He therefore energetically dis-
sented from the proposed measure, and William immediately
desisted from his demand. But he at the same time claimed,
in the name of the whole country, the convocation of the
states-general. This assembly alone was competent to de-
cide what was just, legal, and obligatory for each province
and every town. Governors, magistrates, and simple citi-
zens, would thus have some rule for their common conduct ;
and the government would be at least endowed with the dig-
nity of uniformity and steadiness. The ministers endeavored
to evade a demand which they were at first unwilling openly
to refuse. But the firm demeanor and persuasive eloquence
of the prince of Orange carried before them all who were not
actually bought by the crown ; and Granvelle found himself
at length forced to avow that an express order from the king
forbade the convocation of the states, on any pretext, during
his absence.
The veil was thus rent asunder, which had in some mea-
sure concealed the deformity of Philip's despotism. The re-
sult was a powerful confederacy among all who held it odious,
for the overthrow of Granvelle, to whom they chose to at-
tribute the king's conduct ; thus bringing into practical result
the sound principle of ministerial responsibility, without
which, except in some peculiar case of local urgency or po-
litical crisis, the name of constitutional government is but a
mockery. Many of the royalist nobles united for the national
1561. THE PKINCE OF ORANGE. 91
cause ; and even the g-overnant joined her efforts to theirs,
for an object which would relieve her from the tyranny which
none felt more than she did. Those who composed this con-
federacy ag-ainst tlie minister were actuated by a great va-
riety of motives. The duchess of Parma hated him, as a
domestic spy robbing her of all real authority ; the royalist
nobles, as an insolent upstart at every instant mortifying their
pride. The counts Egmont and Horn, with nobler senti-
ments, opposed him as the author of their country's growing
misfortunes. But it is doubtful if any of the confederates ex-
cept the prince of Orange clearly saw that they were putting
themselves in direct and personal opposition to the king him-
self William alone, clear-sighted in politics and profound in
his views, knew, in thus devoting himself to the public cause,
the adversary with whom he entered the lists.
This great man, for whom the national traditions still pre-
serve the sacred title of " father" ( Vader- Willem,) and who
'was in truth not merely the parent but the political creator of
the country, was at this period in his thirtieth year. He
already joined the vigor of manhood to the wisdom of age.
Brought up under the eye of Charles V., whose sagacity soon
discovered his precocious talents, he was admitted to the
councils of the emperor, at a time of life which was little ad-
vanced beyond mere boyhood. He alone was chosen by this
powerful sovereign to be present at the audiences which he
gave to foreign ambassadors, which proves that in early youth
he well deserved by his discretion the surname of " the taci-
turn." It was on the arm of William, then twenty years of
age, and already named by him to the command of the Bel-
gian troops, that this powerful monarch leaned for support on
the memorable day of his abdication ; and he immediately after-
wards employed him on the important mission of bearing the
imperial crown to his brother Ferdinand, in whose favor he
had resigned it. William's grateful attachment to Charles
did not blind him to the demerits of Philip. He repaired to
France, as one of the hostages on the part of the latter mon-
arch for the fulfilment of the peace of Cateau-Cambresis ; and
he then learned from the lips of Henry II., who soon con-
ceived a high esteem for him, the measures reciprocally
greed on by the two sovereigns for the oppression of their
ubjects.* From that moment his mind was made up on the
character of Philip, and on the part which he had himself to
perform ; and he never felt a doubt on the first point, nor
swerved from the latter.
* Vandervynct.
y2 HISTORY or THE NETlliniLA.\J)S. lo(H .
But even before his patriotism was openly displayed, Philip
had taken a dislike to one in whom his shrewdness quickly
discovered an intellect of which he was jealous. He could
not actually remove William from all mterference with pub-
lic affairs; but he refused him the government of Flanders,
and opposed, in secret, his projected marriage with a princess
of the house of Lorraine, which was calculated to bring him
a considerable accession of fortune, and consequently of in-
fluence. It may be therefore said that William, in his sub-
sequent conduct, was urged by motives of personal enmity
against Philip. Be it so. We do not seek to raise him above
the common feelings of humanity ; and we should risk the
sinking him below them, if we supposed him insensible to
the natural effects of just resentment.
The secret impulses of conduct can never be known be-
yond the individual's own breast ; but actions must, however
questionable, be taken as the tests of motives. In all those
of William's illustrious career v;e can detect none that might
be supposed to spring from vulgar or base feelings. If his
hostility to Philip was indeed increased by private dislike, he
has at least set an example of unparalleled dignity in his
method of revenge ; but in calmly considering and weighing,
without deciding on the question, we see nothing that should
deprive William of an unsullied title to pure and perfect
patriotism. The injuries done to him by Philip at this period
were not of a nature to excite any violent hatred. Enough
of public wrong was inflicted to arouse the patriot, but not
of private ill to inflame the man. Neither was William of a
vindictive disposition. He was never known to turn the
knife of an assassin against liis royal rival, even when the
blade hired by the latter glanced from him reeking with his
blood. And though William's enmity may have been kept
alive or strengthened by the provocations he received, it is
certain that, if a foe to the king, he was, as long as it was
possible, the faithful counsellor of the crown. He spared no
pains to impress on the monarch wlio hated him the real
means for preventing the coming- evils ; and had not a revo-
lution been absolutely inevitable, it is he who would have
prevented it.
Such v\^as the chief of the patriot party, chosen by the
silent election of general opinion, and by that involuntary
hom.ago to genius, which leads individuals in the train of
those master-minds who take the lead in public affairs.
Counts Egmont and Plorn, and some others, largely shared
with him the wpular flivor. The multitude -could not for
some time distinguish the uncertain and capricious opposition
1564. GRANVELLE RECALLED. 93
of an offended courtier from the determined resistence of a
great man. William was still comparatively young- ; he had
lived long- out of the country ; and it was little by little that
his eminent public virtues were developed and understood.
The great object of immediate good was the removal of
cardinal Granvelle. William boldly put himself at the head
of the confederacy. He wrote to tlie king, conjointly with
counts Egmont and Horn, faithfully portraying the state of
affairs. The duchess of Parma backed this remonstrance
with a strenuous request for Granvelle's dismission. Philip's
reply to the three noblemen was a mere tissue of duplicity to
obtain delay, accompanied by an invitation to count Egmont
to repair to Madrid, to hear his sentiments at large by word of
mouth. His only answer to the governant was a positive re-
commendation to use every possible means to disunite and
breed ill-will among the three confederate lords. It was diffi-
cult to deprive William of the confidence of his friends, and
impossible to deceive him. He saw the trap prepared by the
royal intrigues, restrained Egmont for a while from the fatal
step he was but too well inclined to take, and persuaded him
and Horn to renew with him their firm but respectful repre-
sentations ; at the same time begging permission to resign
their various employments, and simultaneously ceasing to
appear at the court of the governant.
In the mean time every possible indignity was offered to
the cardinal by private pique and public satire. Several lords,
following count Egmont's example, had a kind of capuchon
or fool's-cap embroidered on the liveries of their varlets ; and
it was generally known that this was meant as a practical
parody on the cardinal's hat. The crowd laughed heartily at
this stupid pleasantry ; and the coarse satire of the times
may be judged by a caricature, which was forwarded to t,he
cardinal's own hands, representing him in the act of hatchmg
a nest full of eggs, from which a crowd of bishops escaped,
while overhead was the devil in propria persona, with the
following scroll : — " This is my well-beloved son — listen to
him !"*
Philip, thus driven before the popular voice, found himself
forced to the choice of throwing off the mask at once, or of
sacrificing Granvelle. An invincible inclination for manoeuv-
ring and deceit decided him on the latter measure ; and the
cardinal, recalled but not disgraced, quitted the Netherlands
on the 10th of March, 1564.t The secret instructions to the
governant remained unrevoked ; the president Viglius suc-
* D\ij;!i(iin. Hist. G.:ii. dfs Prov. Un. t v. p. I'-u j Vaii-lrvvyiKt.
94 HISTORY OF THE IS'ETIIEKLA^DS. 1565.
ceeded to the post which Granvelle had occupied ; and it was
clear that the projects of the king had suffered no change.
Nevertheless some good resulted from the departure of the
unpopular minister. The public fermentation subsided ; the
patriot lords reappeared at court ; and the prince of Orange
acquired an increasing influence in the council and over tho
governant, who by his advice adopted a conciliatory line of
conduct — a fallacious but still a temporary hope for the na-
tion. But the calm was of short duration. Scarcely was
this moderation evinced by the government, when Philip, ob-
stinate in his designs, and outrageous in his resentment, sent
an order to have the edicts against heresy put into most rig-
orous execution, and to proclaim throughout the seventeen
provinces the furious decree of the council of Trent.
The revolting cruelty and illegality of the first edicts were
already admitted. As to the decrees of this memorable coun-
cil, they were only adapted for countries in submission to an
absolute despotism. They were received in the Netherlands
with general reprobation. Even the new bishops loudly de-
nounced them as unjust innovations ; and thus Philip found
zealous opponents in those on whom he had reckoned as his
most servile tools. The governant was not the less urged to
implicit obedience to the orders of the king by Viglius and
De Berlaimont, who took upon themselves an almost menac-
ing tone. The duchess assembled a council of state, and
asked its advice as to her proceedings. The prince of Orange
at once boldly proposed disobedience to measures fraught with
danger to the monarchy and ruin to the nation. The council
coufd not resist his appeal to their best feelings. His proposal
that fresh remonstrances should be addressed to the king, met
with almost general support. The president Viglius, who
had spoken in the opening of the council in favor of the king's
orders, was overwhelmed by William's reasoning, and de-
manded time to prepare his reply. His agitation during the
debate, and his despair of carrying the measures against the
patriot party, brought on in the night an attack of apoplexy.
It was resolved to dispatch a special envoy to Spain, to ex-
plain to Philip the views of the council, and to lay before him
a plan proposed by the prince of Orange for forming a junc-
tion between the two councils and that of finance, and form-
ing them into one body. The object of this measure was at
once to give greater union and power to the provisional gov-
ernment, to create a central administration in the Nether-
lands, and to remove from some obscure and avaricious finan-
ciers the exclusive management of the national resources.
The count of Egmont, chosen by the council for this mipor-
1568. PHILIP ESTABLISHES THE INQUISITIOjV. 95
tant mission, set out for Madrid in the month of February,
1565. Philip received liim with profound hypocrisy ; loaded
him with the most flattering promises ; sent him back in the
utmost elation : and when the credulous count returned to
Brussels, he found that the written orders, of which he was
the bearer, were in direct variance with every word which
the king- had uttered.*
These orders were chiefly concerning- the reiterated sub-
ject of the persecution to be inflexibly pursued against the
religious reformers. Not satisfied with the hitherto estab-
lished forms of punishment, Philip now expressly commanded
that the more revolting means decreed by his father in the
rig-or of his early zeal, such as burning-, living- burial, and the
like, should be adopted ; and he somewhat more obscurely
directed that the victims should be no longer publicly immo-
lated, but secretly destroyed. He endeavored, by this vague
phraseology, to avoid the actual utterance of the word in-
quisitio7i ; but he thus virtually established that atrocious
tribunal, with attributes still more terrific than even in Spain ;
for there the condemned had at least the consolation of dying
in open day, and of displaying the fortitude which is rarely
proof against the horror of a private execution. Philip had
thus consummated his treason against the principles of jus-
tice and the practices of jurisprudence, which had heretofore
characterized the country; and against the most vital of
those privileges which he had solemnly sworn to maintain.
His design of establishing this horrible tribunal, so impi-
ously named holy by its founders, had been long suspected
by the people of the Netherlands. The expression of those
fears had reached him more than once. He as often replied
by assurances that he had formed no such project, and par-
ticularly to count d'Egmont during his recent visit to Madrid.
But at that very time he assembled a conclave of his crea-
tures, doctors of theology, of whom he formally demanded an
opinion as to whether he could conscientiously tolerate two
sorts of religion in the Netherlands. The doctors, hoping to
please him, replied, that " he might, for the avoidance of a
greater evil." Philip trembled with rage, and exclaimed,
with a threatening tone, "I ask not if I can, but if I ought. ''^
The theologians read in this question the nature of the ex-
pected reply ; and it was amply conformable to his wish. He
immediately threw himself on his knees before a crucifix,
and raising his hands towards h-eaven, put up a prayer for
strength in his resolution to pursue as deadly enemies all who
* Vandervynct.
96 HISTORY OF THE ]VETHERLAA'DS. 1566.
viewed that effio'v with feeling-s different from his own. If
this were not really a sacrilegious farce, it must be that the
blasi)heming' big-ot believed the Deity to be a monster of cru-
elty like himself
Even Vio-lius was terrified by the nature of Philip's com-
mands ; and the patriot lords once more withdrew from all
share in the government, leaving to the duchess of Parma
and her ministers the whole responsibility of the new mea-
sures. They were at length put into actual and vigorous exe-
cution in the beginning of the year 1566. The inquisitors
of the faith, with their familiars, stalked abroad boldly in the
devoted provinces, carrying persecution and death in their
train. Numerous but partial insurrections opposed these
odious intruders. Every district and town became the scene
of frightful executions or tumultuous resistance. The con-
verts to the new doctrines multiplied, as usual, under the
effects of persecution. " There was nowhere to be seen,"
says ja, contemporary author, "the meanest mechanic who did
not find a weapon to strike down the murderers of his com-
patriots." Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht, alone escaped from
those fast accumulating horrors. William of Nassau was
there.
CHAP. vm.
1566.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE REVOLUTION.
The governant and her ministers now began to tremble.
Philip's favorite counsellors advised him to yield to the popu-
lar despair ; but nothing could change his determination to
pursue his bloody game to the last chance. He had foreseen
the impossibility of reducing the country to slavery as long
as it maintained its tranquillity, and that union which forms
in itself the elements and the cement of strength. It was
from deep calculation that he had excited the troubles, and
now kept them alive. He knew that the structure of illegal
power could only be raised on the ruins of public rights and
national happmess; and the materials of desolation found
sympathy in his congenial mind.
And now in reality began the awful revolution of the
Netherlands against their tyrant. In a few years this so
lately flourishing and happy nation presented a frightflil pic-
1566. C03I3IEXC'EMENT OF THE REVOLUTION. U7
ture ; and in the midst of European peace, prosperity, and
civilization, the wickedness of one prince drew down on the
country he misgoverned more evils than it had suffered for
centuries from the worst effects of its foreign foes.
William of Nassau has been accused of having at length
urged on the governant to promulgate the final edicts and
the resolutions of the council of Trent, and then retiring from
the council of state. This line of conduct may be safely
admitted and fairly defended by his admirers. He had seen
the uselessness of remonstrance against the intentions of the
king. Every possible means had been tried, without effect,
to soften his pitiless heart to the sufferings of the country.
At length the moment came when the people had reached
that pitch of despair which is the great force of the oppressed,
and William felt that their strength was now equal to the
contest he had long foreseen. It is therefore absurd to accuse
him of artifice in the exercise of that wisdom which rarely
failed him on any important crisis. A change of circumstan-
ces gives a new name to actions and motives ; and it would
be hard to blame William of Nassau for the only point in
which he bore the least resemblance to Philip of Spain, —
that depth of penetration, which the latter turned to every
base, and the former to every noble purpose.
Up to the present moment the prince of Orange and the
counts Egmont and Horn, with their partisans and friends,
had sincerely desired the public peace, and acted in the com-
mon interest of the king and the people. But all the nobles
had not acted with the same constitutional moderation. Many
of those, disappointed on personal accounts, others professing
the new doctrines, and the rest variously affected by manifold
motives, formed a body of violent and sometimes of impru-
dent malcontents. The marriage of Alexander prince of
Parma, son of the governant, which was at this time cele-
brated at Brussels, brought together an immense number of
these dissatisfied nobles, who becam.e thus drawn into closer
connexion, and whose national candor was more than usually
brought out in the confidential intercourse of society. Politics
and patriotism were the common subjects of conversation in
the various convivial meetings that took place. Two German
nobles, counts Holle and Schwarzemberg, at that period in
the Netherlands, loudly proclaim.ed the favorable disposition
of the princes of the empire towards the Belgians.* It was
supposed even thus early that negotiations had been opened
with several of those sovereigns. In short, nothing seemed
* Schiller
98 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 156b.
wanting but a leader, to give consistency and weight to the
confedel.-acy which was as yet but in embryo. This was
doubly furnished in the persons of Louis of Nassau and
Henry de Brederode. The former, brother of the prince of
Orange, was possessed of many of those brilliant qualities
which mark men as worthy of distinction in times of peril.
Educated at Geneva, he was passionately attached to the re-
formed religion, and identified in his hatred the Catholic
church and the tyranny of Spain. Brave and impetuous, he
was, to his elder brother, but as an adventurous partisan
compared with a sagacious general. He loved William as
well as he did their common cause, and his life was devoted
to both.
Henry de Brederode, lord of Vianen and marquis of Utrecht,
was descended from the ancient counts of Holland. This
illustrious origin, which in his own eyes formed a high claim
to distinction, had not procured him any of those employ-
ments or dignities which he considered his due. He was
presumptuous and rash, and rather a fluent speaker than an
eloquent orator. I^ouis of Nassau was thoroughly inspired
by the justice of the cause he espoused ; De BredeTode es-
poused it for the glory of becoming its cham.pion. The first
only wished for action ; the latter longed for distinction. But
neither the enthusiasm of Nassau, nor the vanity of De Bre-
derode, wus allied with those superior attributes required to
form a hero.
The confederation acquired its perfect organization in the
month of February, 1566, on the 10th of which month its
celebrated manifesto was signed by its numerous adherents.
The first name affixed to this document was that of Philip
de Marnix, lord of St. Aldegonde, from whose pen it eman-
ated; a man of great talents both as soldier and writer-
Numbers of the nobility followed him on this muster-roll of
patriotism, and many of the most zealous royalists were
among them. This remarkable proclamation of general
feeling consisted chiefly in a powerful reprehension of the
illegal establishment of the inquisition in the Low Countries,
and a solemn obligation on the members of the confederacy
to unite in the common cause against this detested nuisance.
Men of all ranks and classes offered their signatures, and
several Catholic priests among the rest. The prince of
Orange, and the counts Egmont, Horn, and Meghem, de-
clined becoming actual parties to this bold measure; and
when the question was debated as to the most appropriate
way of presenting an address to the governant, these noble-
156t). MEASUKES OF THE CO^ FEDERATES. [){)
men advised the mildest and most respectful demeanor on the
part of the purposed deputation.
At the first intelligence of these proceedings, the duchess
of Parma, absorbed by terror, had no resource but to assem-
ble hastily such members of the council of state as were at
Brussels; and she entreated, by the most pressing letters,
the prmce of Orange and count Horn to resume their place'
at this council. But three courses of conduct seemed applica
ble to the eniergency ;— to take up arms— to grant the demands
of the coniederates — or to temporize and to amuse them with
a feint of moderation, until the orders of the kino- might be
obtained from Spain. It was not, however, till after a lapse
of four montlis that the council finallv met to deliberate on
these important questions ; and during- this long interval at
such a crisis, the confederates gained constant accessions to
their numbers, and completely consolidated their plans. The
opinions in the council were greatly divided as to the mode
of treatment towards those, whom one party considered as
patriots actmg in their constitutional rights, and the other as
rebels m open revolt against the king.* The prince of Orange
and De Berlaimont were the principal leaders and chief
speakers on either side. But the reasonings of the former,
backed by the urgency of events, carried the majority of the
suffrages ; and a promised redress of grievances was agreed
on beforehand, as the anticipated answer to the coming
demands.
Even while the council of state held its sittings, the report
was spread through Brussels that the confederates were ap-
proaching. And at length they did enter the city, to the
amount of some hundreds of the representatives of the first
families in the country. On the following day, the 5th of
April, 1566, they walked in solemn procession to the palace.
Their demeanor was highly imposing, from their mingled air
of forbearance and determination. All Brussels thronged out,
to gaze and sympathize with this extraordinary specfacle, of
men whose resolute step showed they were no common sup-
pliants, but whose modest bearing had none of the seditious
air of faction. The governant received the distinguished
petitioners with courtesy, listened to their detail of griev-
ances, and returned a moderate, conciliatory, but evasive
answer.
The confederation, wliich owed its birth to, and was cradled
in social enjoyments, was consolidated in the midst of a feast.
The day follov.ing this first deputation to the governant, De
VaiicJcrvvntl,
100 lilSTOUY OF THE NETIIEKLANDS. 156".
Brederodc gave a grand repast to his associates in the hotel
de Culeinbourg. Three hundred guests were present. In-
flamed by joy and hope, their spirits rose high under the
influence of wine, and temperance gave way to temerity. In
tlie midst of their carousing, some of the members remarked,
that when the governant received the written petition, count
Berlaimont observed to her, that " she had nothing to fear
from such a band of beggars," ((as de Gueux.) The fact was,
that many of the confederates were, from individual extrava-
gance and mismanagement, reduced to such a state of poverty
as to justify in some sort the sarcasm. The chiefs of the
company being at that very moment debating on the name
which tliey should choose for this patriotic league, the title of
Gueux was instantly proposed, and adopted with acclamation.
The reproach it was originally intended to convey became
neutralized, as its general application to men of all ranks
and fortunes concealed its effect as a stigma on many to
whom it might be seriously applied. Neither were examples
wanting of the most absurd and apparently dishonoring nick-
names being elsewhere adopted by powerful political parties.
" Long live the Gueux !" was the toast given and tumultu-
ously drunk by this madbrained company; and Brederodc,
setting no bounds to the boisterous excitement which followed,
procured immediately, and slung across his shoulders, a
wallet such as was worn by pilgrims and beggars ; drank to
the health of all present, in a wooden cup or porringer ; and
loudly swore that he was ready to sacrifice his fortune and
life for the common cause. Each man passed round the bowl,
which he first put to his lips — repeated the oath — and thus
pledged himself to the compact. The wallet next went the
rounds of the whole assembly, and was finally hung upon a
nail driven into the wall for the purpose ; and gazed on with
such enthusiasm as the emblems of political or religious faith,
however worthless or absurd, never fail to inspire in the
minds of enthusiasts.
The tumult caused by this ceremony, so ridiculous in itself,
but so sublime in its results, attracted to the spot the prince
of Orange and counts Egmont and Horn, whose presence is
universally attributed by the historians to accident, but which
was probably that kind of chance that leads medical practi-
tioners m our days to the field where a duel is fought. They
entered ; and Brederodc, who did the honours of the mansion,
forced them to be seated, and to join in the festivity.* The
* The following was Eginont's account of their conduct. " We drank a
.<injrle srlass of wine each, to shouts of ' Long live the king! long live the
<^^;ueux!' It wab the first time I had heard the confederacy so named, and f
1566. HAXUTTFT OF THE ('OXFEDERATKS. 101
appearance of three such distmg-uished personag'es heiglit-
ened the general excitejnent ; and the most important assem-
blage that had for centuries met together in the Netlherlands
mingled the discussion of aifairs of state with all the burlesque
extravagance of a debauch. But this frantic scene did not
finish the affair. What they resolved on while drunk, they
prepared to perform when sober. Ral lying-signs and watch-
words were adopted and soon displayed. It was thought that
nothing better suited the occasion than the immediate adop-
tion of the costume as well as the title of beggary. In a very
few days the city streets were filled with men in gray cloaks,
fashioned on the model of those used by mendicants and pil-
grims. Each confederate caused this uniform to be worn by
every member of his family, and replaced with it the livery
of his servants. Several fastened to their girdles or their
sword-hilts small wooden drinking-cups, clasp-knives, and
other symbols of the begging fraternity ; while all soon wore
on their breasts a medal of gold or silver, representing on
one side the effigy of Philip, with the words, " Faithful to
the king ; and on the reverse, two hands clasped, w4th the
motto, " Jusqii' a la besace,^^ (Even to the wallet.) From
this origin arose the application of the word Gueux, in its
political sense, as common to all the inhabitants of the Neth-
erlands who embraced the cause of the Reformation, and
took up arms against their tyrant. Having presented two
subsequent remonstrances to the governant, and obtained
some consoling promises of moderation, the chief confederates
quitted Brussels, leaving several directors to sustain their
cause in the capital ; while they themselves spread into the
various provinces, exciting the people to join the legal and
constitutional resistance with which they were resolved to
oppose the march of bigotry and despotism.
A new form of edict was now decided on by the governant
and her council ; and after various insidious and illegal but
successful tricks, the consent of several of the provinces was
obtained to the adoption of measures that, under a guise of
comparative moderation, were little less abominable than
those commanded by the king.* These were formally signed
by the council, and dispatched to Spain to receive Philip's
sanction, and thus acquire the force of law. The embassy to
Madrid was confided to the marquis of Bergen and the baron
avow that it displeased me ; but the times were so critical, that people
were obliged to tolerate many things contrary to their inclinations, and I
believed myself on this occasion to act with perfect innocence,"— Procea
criminal du Comte d'Egmonl.
* Schiller
102 HISTORY or THE NETHEKLANDS. 1560.
de Montio-ny ; the latter of whom was brother to count Horn,
and had formerly been employed on a like mission. Montig'ny
appears to have had some qualms of apprehension in under-
taking this new office. His g-ood genius seemed for a while
to stand between him and the fate which awaited him. An
accident which happened to his colleague allowed an excuse
for retarding his journey. But the governant urged him
away : he set out, and reached his destination ; not to defend
the cause of his country at the foot of the throne, but to perish
a victim to his patriotism.*
The situation of tlie patriot lords was at tliis crisis pecu-
liarly embarrassing. The conduct of the confederates was
so essentially tantamount to open rebellion, that the prince
of Orange and his friends found it almost impossible to pre-
serve a neutrality betvv'een the court and the people. All
their wishes urged them to join at once in the public cause ;
but they were restrained by a lingering sense of loyalty to
the king, whose employments they still held, and whose con-
fidence they were, therefore, nominally supposed to share.
They seemed reduced to the necessity of coming to an ex-
planation, and, perhaps, a premature rupture with the gov-
ernment ; of joining in the harsh measures it was likely to
adopt against those with whose proceedings they sympathiz-
ed ; or, as a last alternativ(?, to withdraw, as they had done
before, wholly from all interference in public affairs. Still
their presence in the council of state was, even though their
influence had greatly decreased, of vast service to the pa-
triots, in checking the hostility of the court ; and the con-
federates, on the other hand, were restrained from acts of
open violence, by fear of the disapprobation of these their
best and most powerful friends. Be their individual motives
or reasonmg what they might, they at length adopted the
alternative above alluded to, and resigned their places. Count
Horn retired to his estates ; count Egmont repaired to Aix-
la-Chapelle, under the pretext of being ordered thither by
his physicians ; the prince of Orange remained for a while at
Brussels.
In the meanwhile, the confederation gained ground every
day. Its measures had totally changed the face of affairs in
all parts of the nation. The general discontent now acquired
stability, and consequent importance. The chief merchants
of many of the towns enrolled themselves in the patriot band.
Many active and ardent minds, hitlierto withheld by the
doubtful construction of the association, now freely entered
+ Schiller.
ir)G(>. 1'KOGRE.^S OF THE KEFORMATION. 1(),'3
into it when it took the form of union and respectabilitv.
Energy, if not excess, seemed legitimatized. The vanity of
the leaders was flattered by the consequence they acquired ;
and weak minds gladly embraced an occasion of mixing with
those whose importance gave both protection and conceal-
ment to their insignificance.
An occasion so favorable for the rapid promulgation of the
new doctrines was promptly taken advantage of by the
French Huguenots and their Protestant brethren of Ger-
many.* The disciples of reform poured from all quarter?
into the Low Countries, and made prodigious progress, with
all the energy of proselytes, and too often with tlio fury of
fanatics. The three principal sects into v/hich the reformers
were divided, were those of the Anabaptists, the Calvinists,
and the Lutherans. The first and least numerous were
chiefly established hi Friesland. The second were spread
over the eastern provhices. Their doctrines bemg already
admitted into some kingdoms of the north, they were pro-
tected by the most ix)\verful princes of the empire. The
third, and by far the most numerous and wealthy, abounded
in the southern provinces, and particularly in Flanders. They
w^ere supported by the zealous efforts of French, Swiss, and
German ministers; and their dogmas were nearly the same
with those of the established religion of England. The city
of Antwerp w^as the central point of union for the three
sects; but the only principle they held in common was their
hatred against popery, the inquisition, and Spain.
The governant had now issued orders to the chief ma-
gistrates to proceed with moderation against the heretics;
orders which were obeyed in their most ample latitude by
those to whose sympathies they were so congenial. Until
then, the Protestants were satisfied to meet by stealth at
night; but under this negative protection of the authorities
they now boldly assembled in public. Field-preachings com-
menced in Flanders ; and the minister who first set this ex-
ample w^as Herman Strieker, a converted monk, a native of
Overyssel, a powerful speaker, and a bold enthusiast. He
soon drew together an audience of 7000 persons. A furious
magistrate rushed among this crowds and hoped to disperse
them sword in liand ; but he was soon struck down, mortally
wounded, w^ith a shower of stones.f Irritated and emboldened
by this rash attempt, the Protestants assembled in still greater
numbers near Alost ; but on this occasion they appeared with
poniards, guns, and halberds. They intrenched themselves
* Schiller. -f Vandevvynct.
J 04 jii.s'i'oKv or THK MrriuouLAXDs. J")(j<J
micler the protection of wagons and all sorts of obstacles lo
a sudden attack ; placed outposts and videttes ; and thus took
the field in the doubly dangerous aspect of fanaticism and
war. Similar assemblies soon spread over the whole of Flan-
ders, inflamed by the exhortations of Strieker and another
preacher, called Peter Dathen, of Poperingue, It was cal-
culated that 15,000 men attended at some of these preach-
ings ; while a third apostle of Calvinism, Ambrose Ville, a
Frenchman, successfully excited the inhabitants of Tournay,
Valenciennes, and Antwerp, to form a common league for
the promulgation of their faith. The sudden appearance of
De Brederode at the latter place decided their plan, and gave
the courage to fix on a day for its execution. An immense
assemblage simultaneously quitted the three cities at a pre-
concerted time ; and when they united their forces at the ap-
pointed rendezvous, the preachings, exhortations, and psalm-
singing commenced, under the auspices of several Huguenot
and German ministers, and continued for several days" in all
the zealous extravagance which may be well imagined to
characterize such a scene.
The citizens of Antwerp were terrified for the safety of
the place, and courier after courier was dispatched to the
governant at Brussels to implore her presence. The duch-
ess, not daring to take such a step without the authority of
the king, sent count Meghem as her representative, with
proposals to the magistrates to call out the garrison. The
populace soon understood the object of this messenger ; and
assailing him with a violent outcry, forced him to fly'^from the
city. Then the Calvinists petitioned the magistrates for per-
mission to openly exercise their religion, and for the grant of
a temple in which to celebrate its rites. The magistrates in
this conjuncture renewed their application to the°governant,
and entreated her to send the prince of Orange, as the onlv
person capable of saving the city from destruction. The
duchess vras forced to adopt this bitter alternative ; and the
prince, after repeated refusals to mix again in public affairs,
yielded, at length, less to the supplications of the governant
than to his own wishes to do another service to the cause of
his country. At half a- league from the city he was met by
De Brederode, with an immense concourse of people of all
sects and opinions, who hailed him as a protector from the
tyranny of the kino-, and a savior from the dangers of their
own excess. Nothing could exceed the wisdom, the firm-
ness, and the benevolence, with which he managed all con-
flicting interests, and preserved tranquillity amid'st a chaos of
opposing prejudices and passions.
1506. rjiiNcE «>r okange savks Avrwrui' JO")
From the first establishment of the field-prcacliiiigs the
governant had implored the confederate lords to aid lier for
the re-establishment of order. De Brederode seized this ex-
cuse for convoking- a general meeting of the associates, which
consequently took place at the town of St. Trend, in the dis-
trict of Liege. Full 2000 of the members appeared on the
summons. The language held in this assembly was much
stronger and less equivocal than that formerly used.* The
delay in the arrival of the king's answer presaged ill as to
his intentions ; while the rapid growth of the public power
seemed to mark the present as the time for successfully de-
manding all that the people required. Several of the Catho-
lic members, still royalists at heart, were shocked to hear a
total liberty of conscience spoken of as one of the privileges
sought for.f The young count of Mansfield, among others,
withdrew immediately from the confederation ; and thus the
first stone seemed to be removed from this imperfectly con-
structed edifice.
The prince of Orange and count EgmDnt were applied to,
and appointed by the governant, with full powers to treat
with the confederates. Twelve of the latter, among whom
were Louis of Nassau, De Brederode, and De Culembourg,
met them by appomtment at Duffle, a village not far from
Mechlin. The result of the conference was a respectful but
firm address to the governant, repelling her accusations of
having entered into foreign treaties ; declaring their readi-
ness to march against the French troops, should they set foot
in the country ; and claiming, with the utmost force of rea-
soning, the convocation of the states-general. This was re-
plied to by an entreaty that they would still wait patiently
for twenty-four days, in hopes of an answer from the king ;
and she sent the marquess of Bergen in all speed to Madrid,
to support Montigny in his efforts to obtain some prompt de-
cision from Philip. I The king, who was then at Segovia,
assembled his council, consisting of the duke of Alva and
eight other grandees. The two deputies from the Nether-
lands attended at the deliberations, which were held for sev-
eral successive days ; but tlie king was never present. The
whole state of affairs being debated with what appears a
calm and dispassionate view, considering the hostile preju-
dices of this council, it was decided to advise the king to
adopt generally a more moderate line of conduct in the Neth-
erlands, and to abolish the inquisition ; at the same time pro-
♦Vandervynct. t Schiller. t Vandervynct.
100 insroRY of the NETII^:RLA^^D«!. lor.6.
hibiting- under the most awful threats all confederation, as-
semblage, or public preachings, under any pretext whatever.*
The king's first care on receiving this advice was to order,
in all the principal towns of Spain and the Netherlands,
prayer and processions to implore the divine approbation on
the resolutions which he had formed. He appeared then in
person at the council of state, and issued a decree, by which
he refused his consent to the convocation of the states-gen-
eral, and bound himself to take several German regiments
into his pay. He ordered the duchess of Parma, by a private
letter, to immediately cause to be raised 3000 cavalry and
10,000 foot, and he remitted to her for this purpose 300,000
florins in gold. He next wrote with his own hand to several
of his partisans in the various towns, encouraging them in
their fidelity to his purposes, and promising them his sup-
port. He rejected the adoption of the moderation recom-
mended to him ; but he consented to the abolition of the in-
quisition in its most odious sense, re-establishing that modi-
fied species of ecclesiastical tyranny which had been intro-
duced into the Netherlands by Charles V. The people of
that devoted country were thus successful in obtaining one
important concession from the king, and in meeting unex-
pected consideration from this Spanish council. Whether
these measures had been calculated with a view to their fail-
ure, it is not now easy to determine ; at all events they came
too late.f When Philip's letters reached Brussels, the' ico-
noclasts or image-breakers were abroad. |
It requires no profound research to comprehend the im-
pulse which leads a horde of fanatics to the most monstrous
excesses. That the deeds of the iconoclasts arose from the
spontaneous outburst of mere vulgar fury, admits of no doubt.
The aspersion which would trace those deeds to the meeting
of St. Trond, and fix the infamy on the body of nobility there
assembled, is scarcely worthy of refutation. The very lowest,
of the people were the actors as well as the authors of the
outrages, which were at once shocking to every friend cf
liberty, and injurious to that sacred cause. Artois and western
Flanders were the scenes of the first exploits of the icono-
clasts. A band of peasants, intermixed with begofars and
various other vagabonds, to the amount of about 300,} urged
by fanaticism and those baser passions which animate every
lawless body of men, armed with hatchets, clubs, and ham-
mers, forced open the doors of some of the village churches
in the neighborhood of St. Omer, and tore down and de-
* Schiller. j Vandervynct. | Schiller. § Vanderx ynct.
1566. IMAGE-BREAKERS. lOT
stroyed not only the imag-es and relics of saints, but those
very ornaments which Christians of all sects hold sacred, and
essential to the most simple rites of relig-ion.
The cities of Ypres, Lille, and other places of importance,
were soon subject to similar visitations ; and the whole of
Flanders was in a few days ravaged by furious multitudes,
whose frantic energy spread terror and destruction on their
route. Antwerp was protected for a while by the presence
of the prince of Orange ; but an order from the governant
having obliged him to repair to Brussels, a few nights after
his departure the celebrated cathedral shared the fate of
many a minor temple, and was utterly pillaged. Tlie blind
fury of the spoilers w^as not confined to the mere effigies
which they considered the types of idolatry, nor even to the
pictures, the vases, the sixty-six altars, and their richly
wrought accessories ; but it was equally fatal to the splendid
organ, which was considered the finest at that time in exist-
ence. The rapidity and the order with which this torchlight
scene was acted, without a single accident among the nu-
merous doers, has excited the wonder of almost all its early
historians. One of them does not hesitate to ascribe the
" miracle" to the absolute agency of demons.* For three
days and nights these revolting scenes were acted, and every
church in the city shared the fate of the cathedral, which
next to St. Peter's at Rome w^as the most magnificent in
Christendom.f
Ghent, Tournay, Valenciennes, Mechlin, and other cities,
were next the theatres of similar excesses ; and in an in-
credibly short space of time above 400 churches were pillaged
in Flanders and Brabant. Zealand, Utrecht, and others of
the northern provinces, suffered more or less; Friesland,
Guelders, and Holland alone escaped, and even the latter but
in partial instances.
These terrible scenes extinguished every hope of recon-
ciliation with the king. An inveterate and interminable
hatred was now" established between him and the people ; for
the whole nation' was identified wdth deeds, which were in
reality only shared by the most base, and were lothesome to
all who were enlightened. It was in vain that the patriot
nobles might hope or strive to exculpate themselves; they
were sure to be held criminal either in fact or by implication.
No show of loyalty, no efforts to restore order, no personal
sacrifice, could save them from the hatred or screen them
from the vengeance of Philip.
* Sfrada. t Schiller.
108 iJiSToKv (JF Tin: .netheiilands. 1oO()
The aflriolit of the g-overnant during the short reigri of
anarchy aiitl terror was without bounds. She strove to make
her escape from Brussels, and was restrained from so doing
only by tlie joint solicitations of Viglius and the various
knights of the order of the (iolden Fleece, consisting of the
first among the nobles of all parties. But, in fact, a species
of violence was used to restrain her from this most fatal step;
for Viglius gave orders that the gates of the city should be
shut, and egress refused to any one belonging to the court.*
The somewhat less terrified duchess now named count Mans-
field governor of the town, reinforced the garrison, ordered
arms to be distributed to all her adherents, and then called a
council to deliberate on the measures to be adopted. A com-
promise with the confederates and the reformers was unani-
mously agreed to. The prince of Orange and counts Eg-
mont and Horn were once more appointed to this arduous ar-
bitration between the court and the people.f Necessity now
extorted almost every concession which had been so long
denied to justice and prudence. The confederates were de-
clared absolved from all responsibility relative to their pro-
ceedings. The suppression of the inquisition, the abolition
of the edicts against heresy, and a permission for the preach-
ings, were simultaneously published.
The confederates, on their side, undertook to remain faith-
ful to the service of the king, to do their best for the estab-
lishment of order, and to punish the iconoclasts. A regular
treaty to this effect was drawn up and executed by the re-
spective plenipotentiaries, and formally approved by the gov-
ernant, who affixed her sign-manual to the instrument. She
only consented to this measure after a long struggle, and
with tears in her eyes ; and it was with a trembling hand
that she wrote an account of these transactions to the king.|
Soon after this the several governors repaired to their re-
spective provinces, and their efforts for the re-establishment
of tranquillity were attended with various degrees of success.
Several of the ringleaders in the late excesses were executed ;
and this severity was not confined to the partisans of the
Catholic church. The prince of Orange and count Egmont,
with others of the patriot lords, set the example of this just
severity. John Casambrot lord of Beckerzeel, Egmont's
secretary, and a leading member of the confederation, put
himself at the head of some others of the associated gentle-
* Schiller. f Vandervynct. J Schiller.
156(3. PHILir's VINDICTIVENESS. 109
men, fell upon a refractory band of iconoclasts near Gram-
mont, in Flanders, and took thirty prisoners, of whom he or-
dered twenty-eight to be hang-ed on the spot.
CHAP. IX.
1566—1573.
TO THE ADMINISTRATION OP REaUESENS.
All the services just related in the common cause of the
country and the king produced no effect on the vindictive
spirit of the latter. Neither the lapse of time, the proofs of
repentance, nor the fulfilment of their duty, could efface the
hatred excited by a conscientious opposition to even one de-
sign of despotism."^
Philip was ill at Segovia when he received accounts of the
excesses of the image-breakers, and of the convention con-
cluded with the heretics.f Dispatches from the governant,
with private advices from Viglius, Egmont, Mansfield, Meg-
hem, de Berlaimont, and others, gave him ample information
as to the real state of things, and they thus strove to palliate
their having acceded to the convention. The emperor even
wrote to his royal nephew, imploring him to treat his way-
ward subjects with moderation, and offered his mediation be-
tween them. Philip, though severely suffering, gave great
attention to the details of this correspondence, which he
minutely examined, and laid before liis council of state, with
notes and observations taken by himself But he took special
care to send to them only such parts as he chose them to be
well informed upon ; his natural distrust not suffering him to
have any confidential communication with men.^
Again the Spanish council appears to have interfered be-
tween the people of the Netherlands and the enmity of the
monarch ; and the offered mediation of the emperor was re-
commended to his acceptance, to avoid the appearance of a
forced concession to the popular will. Philip was also strongly
urged to repair to the scene of the disturbances ; and a main
question of debate was, whether he should march at the head
of an army or confide himself to the loyalty and good faith
of his Belgian subjects. But the indolence or the pride of
Philip was too strong to admit of his taking so vigorous a
* Schiller. f IIo >per. t Mem.
110 HISTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1566.
measure ; and all these consultations ended in two letters to
the governant. In the first he declared his firm intention to
visit the Netherlands in person; refused to convoke the
states-general ; passed in silence the treaties concluded with
the Protestants and the confederates ; and finished by a de-
claration that he would throw himself wholly on the fidelity
of the country. In his second letter, meant for the govern-
ant alone, he authorized her to assemble tlie states-g-eneral
if public opinion became too powerful for resistance, but on
no account to let it transpire that he had under any circum-
stances given his consent.
During these deliberations in Spain, the Protestants in the
Netherlands amply availed themselves of the privileges they
had gained. They erected numerous wooden churches with
incredible activity,* Young and old, noble and plebeian, of
these energetic men, assisted in the manual labors of these
occupations ; and the women freely applied the produce of
their ornaments and jewels to forward the pious work.f But
the furious outrages of the iconoclasts had done infinite mis-
chief to both political and religious freedom : many of the
Catholics, and particularly the priests, gradually withdrew
themselves from the confederacy, which thus lost some of its
most firm supporters. And on the other hand, tlie severity
with which some of its members pursued the guilty, offended
and alarmed the body of the people, who could not distin-
guish the shades of difference between the love of liberty and
the practice of licentiousness.
The governant and her satellites adroitly took advantage
of this state of things to sow dissension among the patriots.
Autograph letters from Philip to the principal lords were dis-
tributed among them with such artful and mysterious pre-
cautions, as to throw^ the rest into perplexity, and give each
suspicions of the other's fidelity. The report of the imme-
diate arrival of Philip had also considerable effect over the
less resolute, or more selfish ; and the confederation Avas dis-
solving rapidly under the operations of intrigue, self-interest,
and fear. Even the count of Egmont was not proof against
the subtle seductions of the wily monarch, whose severe yet
flattering letters half frightened and half soothed him into a
relapse of royalism. But with the prince cri Orange Philip
had no chance of success. It is unquestionable, that be his
means of acquiring information what they might, he did suc-
ceed in procuring mmute intelligence of all that was going
on in the king's most secret council. He had from time to
* Vandervynct. t Schiller
1566. CONFERENCE AT TERMONDE. Ill
time procured copies of the governant's dispatches ; but tlie
document which threw the most important light upon the
real intentions of Philip, was a confidential epistle to the
governant from D'Alava, the Spanish minister at Paris, in
wiiich he spoke in terms too clear to admit any doubt as to the
terrible example which the king was resolved to make among-
the patriot lords.* Bergen and luontigny confirmed this by
the accounts they sent home from Madrid of the alteration
in the manner with which they were treated by Philip and
his courtiers ; and the prince of Orange was more firmly de-
cided in his opinions of the coming vengeance of the tyrant.
William summoned liis brother Louis, the counts Egmont,
Horn, and Hoogstraeten, to a secret conference at Termonde ;
and he there submitted to them this letter of Alava's, with
others which he had received from Spain, confirmatory of his
worst fears. Louis of Nassau voted for open and instant re-
bellion : William recommended a cautious observance of the
projects of government, not doubting but a fair pretext would
be soon given to justify the most vigorous overt acts of re-
volt : but Egmont at once struck a death-blow to the ener-
getic project of one brother, and the cautious amendment of
the other, by declaring his present resolution to devote him-
self wholly to the service of the king, and on no inducement
whatever to risk the perils of rebellion. He expressed his
perfect reliance on the justice and the goodness of Philip, when
once he should see the determined loyalty of those whom he
had hitherto had so much reason to suspect ; and he exhorted
the others to follow his example. The two brothers, and
count Horn implored him in their turn to abandon this blind
reliance on the tyrant ; but in vain. His new and unlooked-
for profession of faith completely paralyzed their plans. He
possessed too largely the confidence of both the soldiery and
the people, to make it possible to attempt any serious mea-
sure of resistance in which he would not take a part. The
meeting broke up without coming to any decision. All those
who bore a part in it were expected at Brussels to attend the
council of state ; Egmont alone repaired thither. The gov-
emant questioned him on the object of the conference at Ter-
monde : he only replied by an indignant glance, at the same
time presenting a copy of Alava's letter.
The governant now applied her whole efforts to destroy
the union among the patriot lords. She, in the mean time,
ordered levies of troops to the amount of some thousands, the
command of which was given to the nobles on whose at-
* Schiller.
112 HISTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1566.
tachment she could reckon. The most vigorous measures
were adopted. Noircarmcs, governor of Hainault, appeared
before Valenciennes, which, being in the power of the Cal-
vinists, had assumed a most determined attitude of resist-
ance. He vainly summoned the place to submission, and to
admit a royalist garrison ; and on receiving an obstinate re-
fusal, he commenced the siege in form. An undisciplined
rabble of between 3000 and 4000 gueux, under the direction
of John de Soreas, gathered together in the neighborhood of
Lille and Tournai, with a show of attacking these places.
But the governor of the former town dispersed one party of
them ; and Noircarmes surprised and almost destroyed the
main body — their leader falling in the action.* These were
the first encounters of the civil war, which raged without
cessation for upwards of forty years in these devoted coun-
tries, and which is universally allowed to be the most re-
markable that ever desolated any isolated portion of Europe.
The space which we have already given to the causes which
produced this memorable revolution, now actually commenced,
will not allow us to do more than rapidly sketch the fierce
events that succeeded each other with frightful rapidity.
While Valenciennes prepared for a vigorous resistance, a
general synod of the Protestants was held at Antv/erp, and
De Brederode undertook an attempt to see the governant, and
lay before her the complaints of this body : but she refused
to admit him into the capital. He then addressed to her a
remonstrance in writing, in which he reproached her with
her violation of the treaties, on the faith of which the con-
federates had dispersed, and the majority of the Protestants
laid down their arms. He implored her to revoke the new
proclamations, by which she prohibited them from the free
exercise of tlieir religion ; and above all things, he insisted
on the abandonment of the siege of Valenciennes, and the
disbanding of the new levies. The governant's reply was
one of haughty reproach and defiance. The gauntlet was
now thrown down ; no possible hope of reconciliation re-
mained ; and the whole country flew to arms. A sudden at-
tempt on the part of the royalists, under count Meghom,
against Bois-le-duc, was repulsed by 800 men, commanded
by an officer named Bomberg, in the immediate service of
De Brederode, who had fortified himself m his garrison town
of Vienen.
The prince of Orange maintained at Antwerp an attitude
of extreme firmness and caution. His time for action had
* Bentivoglio
1567. SUKKKEXDliJt OF VALEJN'ClENiNKts. 113
not yet arrived ; but his advice and protection were of inll-
nite importance on many occasions. John de Marnix, lord
of Toulouse, brother of Philip do St. Aldegonde, took |X)S-
session of Osterweel on the Scheldt, a quarter of a leafi^ue
from Antwerp, and fortitied himself in a strongs position. But
he was impetuously attacked by the count de Lannoy with a
considerable force, and perished, after a desperate defence,
with full 1000 of his followers. Three hundred who laid
down their arms, were immediately after the action butch-
ered in cold blood.* Antwerp was on this occasion saved
from the excesses of its divided and furious citizens, and pre-
served from the horrors of pillage, by tlie calmness and in-
trepidity of the prince of Orange. Valenciennes at length
capitulated to the royalists, disheartened by the defeat and
death of De Marnix, and terrified by a bombardment of
thirty-six hours. The governor, two preachers, and about
forty of the citizens, were hanged by the victors, and the
reformed religion prohibited. Noircarmes promptly followed
up his success. Maestricht, Turnhout, and Bois-le-duc sub-
mitted at his approach ; and tlie insurgents were soon driven
from all the provinces, Holland alone excepted. Brederode
fled to Germany, where he died the following year.f
The governant showed, in her success, no small proofs of
decision. She and her counsellors, acting under orders from
the king, were resolved on embarrassing to the utmost the
patriot lords ; and a new oath of allegiance, to be proposed
to every functionary of the state, was considered as a certain
means for attaining this object without the violence of an un-
merited dismissal. The terms of this oath were strongly op-
posed to every principle of patriotism and toleration. Count
Mansfield was the first of the nobles who took it. The duke
of Arschot, counts Meghem, Berlaimont, and Egmont, fol-
lowed his example. The counts of Horn, Hoogstraeten, De
Brederode, and others, refused on various pretexts. Every
artifice and persuasion was tried to induce the prince of
Orange to subscribe to this new test ; but his resolution had
been for some time formed. He saw that every chance of
constitutional resistance to tyranny was for the present at an
end. The time for petitioning was gone by. The confedera-
tion was dissolved. A royalist army was in the field ; the
duke of Alva was notoriously approaching at the head of
another, more numerous. It was worse than useless to con-
clude a hollow convention with the governant, of mock loy-
alty on his part and mock confidence on hers. Many other
■" Vanflptvvnrt. f Rpnlivogli...
8
114 HISTORY OF THE KETHERLANDH. 1567.
important considerations convinced William that his only-
honorable, safe, and wise course was to exile himself from
the Netherlands altogether, until more propitious circum-
stances allowed of his actings openly, boldly, and with effect.
Before he put this plan of voluntary banishment into exe-
cution, he and Eg-mont had a parting interview, at the village
of Willebroek, between Antwerp and Brussels. Count Mans-
field, and Berti, secretary to the governant, w^ere present at
this memorable meeting. The details of what passed were
reported to the confederates by one of their party, who con-
trived to conceal himself in the chimney of the chamber.*
Nothing could exceed tiie energetic warmth with which the
two illustrious friends reciprocally endeavored to turn each
other from their respective line of conduct; but in vain.
Egmont's fatal confidence in the king was not to be shaken ;
nor was Nassau's penetrating mind to be deceived by the
romantic delusion which led away his friend. They sepa-
rated with most affectionate expressions ; and Nassau was
even moved to tears. His parting words were to the follow-
ing effect : — " Confide, then, since it must be so, in the grati-
tude of the king ; but a painful presentiment (God grant it
may prove a false one !) tells me that you will serve the
Spaniards as the bridge by w^hich they will enter the country,
and which they will destroy as soon as they have passed
over it !"f
On the 11th of April, a few days afler this conference, the
prince of Orange set out for Germany, with his three bro-
thers and his whole family, wath the exception of his eldest
son Philip William count de Beuren, whom he left behind a
student in the university of Louvain. He believed that the
privileges of the college and the franchises of Brabant would
prove a sufficient protection to the youth ; and this appears
the only instance in which William's vigilant prudence was
deceived.! The departure of the prince seemed to remove all
hope of protection or support froin the unfortunate Pro-
testants, now left the prey of their implacable tyrant. The
confederation of the nobles was completely broken up. The
counts of Hoogstraeten, Bergen, and Culembourg, followed the
example of the prince of Orange, and escaped to Germany ;
and the greater number of those w^ho remained behind took
the new oath of allegiance, and became reconciled to the
government. ^
This total dispersion of the confederacy brought all the
towns of Holland into obedience to the king. But the emi-
♦'Schiller. f Vandeivynct. t Scliillor. fi Schiiltr
15G7. THE DUKE OF ALVA. 115
gration which immediately commenced threatened the coun-
try with ruin. England and Germany swarmed with Dutch and
Belg-ian refug-ees ; and all the efforts of the governant could
not restrain the thousands that took to flight. She was not
more successful in her attempts to influence the measures of
the king. She implored him, in repeated letters, to abandon
his design of sending a foreign army into the country, which
she represented as being now quite reduced to submission
and tranquillity. She added, that the mere report of this
royal invasion (so to call it) had already deprived the Nether-
lands of many thousands of its best inhabitants ; and that the
appearance of the troops would change it into a desert.
These arguments, meant to dissuade, were the very means
of encouraging Philip in his design. He conceived his pro-
ject to be now ripe for the complete suppression of freedom ;
and Alva soon began his march.
On the 5th of May, 1567, this celebrated captain, whose
reputation was so quickly destined to sink into the notoriety
of an executioner, began his memorable march ; and on the
22d of August, he, with his two natural sons, and his veteran
army consisting of about 15,000 men, arrived at the walls of
Brussels.* The discipline observed on this march was a ter-
rible forewarning to the people of the Netherlands of the in-
fluence of the general and the obedience of the troops. They
had little chance of resistance against such soldiers so com-
manded.
Several of the Belgian nobility went forward to meet Alva,
to render him the accustomed honors, and endeavor thus early
to gain his good graces. Among them was the infatuated
Egmont, who made a present to Alva of two superb horses,
which the latter received with a disdainful air of condescen-
sion.! Alva's first care was the distribution of his troops —
several thousands of whom were placed in Antwerp, Ghent,
and other important towns, and the remainder reserved under
his own immediate orders at Brussels. His approach was
celebrated by universal terror ; and his arrival was thoroughly
humiliating to the duchess of Parma. He immediately pro-
duced his commission as commander-in-chief of the royal
armies in the Netherlands ; but he next showed her another,
which confided to him powers infinitely more extended than
any Marguerite herself had enjoyed, and which proved to her
that the almost sovereign power over the country was virtu-
ally vested in him.
Alva first turned his attention to the seizure of those pa-
* Bentivoglio. t ScJiiller.
116 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1567
triot lords wliose pertinacious infatuation left them within his
reach. He summoned a meetinfr of all the members of tlie
council of state and the knights of the order of the Golden
Fleece, to deliberate on matters of great importance. Counts
Egmont and Horn attended, among many others ; and at the
conclusion of the council they were both arrested (some
historians assert by the hands of Alva and his eldest son,*) as
was also Van Straeten burgomaster of Antwerp, and Casam-
brot, Egmont's secretary. The 3"oung count of Mansfield
appeared for a moment at this meeting ; but, warned by his
father of the fate intended him, as an original member of the
confederation, he had time to fly. The count of Hoogstraeten
was happily detained by illness, and thus escaped the fate of
his friends. Egmont and Horn were transferred to the cita-
del of Ghent, under an escort of 3000 Spanish soldiers. Sev-
eral other persons of the first families were arrested ; and
those who had originally been taken in arms were executed
without delay. f
The next measures of the new governor were the re-es-
tablishment of the inquisition, the promulgation of the decrees
of the council of Trent, the revocation of the duchess of
Parma's edicts, and the royal refusal to recognize the terms
of her treaties with the Protestants. He immediately estab-
lished a special tribunal, composed of twelve members, with
full powers to inquire into and pronounce judgment on every
circumstance connected with the late troubles. He named him-
self president of this council, and appointed a Spaniard, named
Vargas, as vice-president — a wretch of the most diabolical
cruelty. Several others of the judges were also Spaniards,
in direct infraction of the fundamental laws of the country.
This council, immortalized by its infam}^ was named by the
new governor (for so Alva was in fact, though not yet in
name,) the Council of Troubles. By the people it was soon
designed the Council of Blood. In its atrocious proceedings
no respect was paid to titles, contracts, or privileges, how-
ever sacred. Its judgments w^ere without appeal. Every subject
of the state was amenable to its summons ; clergy and laity,
the first individuals of the country, as well as the most
wretched outcasts of society. Its decrees were passed with
disgusting rapidity and contempt of form. Contumacy was
punished with exile and confiscation. Those who, strong in
innocence, dared to brave a trial, were lost without resource.
The accused were forced to its bar without previous warn-
ing. Many a wealthy citizen was dragged to trial four
•^ Siiada. Vamleivvnrt. t r^cbiller.
1567. ALVAS TVRANNY. 317
leagues' distance, tied to a horse's tail. The number of vic-
tims was appalling". On one occasion, the town of Valen-
ciennes alone saw fifty-five of its citizens fall by the hands
of the executioner. Hanging, beheading, quartering, and
burning, were the every-day spectacles. The enormous con-
fiscations only added to the thirst for gold and blood by which
Alva and his satellites were parched. History offers no ex-
ample of parallel horrors: for while party vengeance on
other occasions has led to scenes of fury and terror, they
arose, in this instance, from the vilest cupidity and the most
cold-blooded cruelty.*
After three months of such atrocity, Alva, fatigued rather
than satiated with butchery, resigned his hateful functions
wholly into the hands of Vargas, who was chiefly aided by
the members Delrio and Dela Torre. Even at this remote
period we cannot repress the indignation excited by the men-
tion of those monsters, and it is impossible not to feel satis-
faction in fixing upon their names the brand of historic exe-
cration. One of these wretches, called Hesselts, used at
length to sleep during the mock trials of the already doomed
victims ; and as often as he was roused up by his colleagues,
he used to cry out mechanically, " To the gibbet ! to the
gibbet ! " so familiar was his tongue with the sounds of con-
demnation, f
The despair of the people may be imagined from the fact,
that until the end of the year 1567 their only consolation was
the prospect of the king's arrival ! He never dreamt of com-
ing. Even the delight of feasting in horrors like these could
not conquer his indolence. The good duchess of Parma, — for
so she was in comparison with her successor, — was not long
left to oppose the feeble barrier of her prayers between Alva
and his victims. She demanded her dismissal from the nomi-
nal dignity, which was now but a title of disgrace. Philip
granted it readily, accompanied by a hypocritical letter, a
present of 30,000 crowns, and the promise of an annual pen-
sion of 20,000 more. She left Brussels in the month of April,
lo6S,|: raised to a high place in the esteem and gratitude of the
people, less by any actual claims from her owti conduct, than
by its fortuitous contrast with the infamy of her successor.
She retired to Italy, and died at Naples in the month of Feb-
ruary, 1586.5
Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo duke of Alva was of a dis-
tinguished family in Spain, and even boasted of his descent
from one of the Moorish monarchs who had reigned in the
* Schiller. + Idem. JDeThou. § Vandervynct.
118 HisToin- or tiik xf.tiierlands. 15()M.
insignificant king-dom of Toledo. Wlicn he assumed the
chief command in the Netherlands, he was sixty years of
age ; having grown old and ohdurate in pride, ferocity, and
avarice. His deeds must stand instead of a more detailed
portrait, which, to be thorouglily striking, should he traced
with a pen dipped in blood, lie was a fierce and clever sol-
dier, brought up in the school of Charles V., and trained to
his profession in the wars of that monarch in Germany, and
subsequently in that of Philip II. against France.'^ In addi-
tion to the horrors acted by the council of blood, Alva com-
mitted many deeds of collateral but minor tyranny : among
others, he issued a decree forbidding, under severe penalties,
any inhabitant of the country to marry without his express
permission. His furious edicts against emigration were at-
tempted to be enforced in vain. Elizabeth of England opened
all the ports of her kingdom to the Flemish refugees,! who
carried with them those abundant stores of manufacturing
knowledge which she wisely knew to be the elements of na-
tional wealth.
Alva soon summoned the prince of Orange, his brothers,
and all the confederate lords, to appear before the council
and answer to the charge of high treason. The prince gave
a prompt and contemptuous answer, denying the authority
of Alva and his council, and acknowledging for his judges
only the emperor, whose vassal he was, or the king of Spain
in person, as president of the order of the Golden Fleece.
The other lords made replies nearly sunilar. The trials of
each were, therefore, proceeded on, by contumacy ; confisca-
tion of property being an object almost as dear to the tyrant
viceroy as the death of his victims. Judgments were promptly
pronounced against those present or absent, alive or dead.
Witness the case of the unfortunate marquess of Bergues, who
had previously expired at Madrid, as was universally believ-
ed, by poison ; and his equally ill-fated colleague in the em-
bassy, the baron Montigny, was for a while imprisoned at
Sego\ia, where he v/as soon after secretly beheaded, on the
base pretext of former disaffection.!
The departure of the duchess of Parma having left Alva
undisputed as well as unlimited authority, he proceeded
rapidly in his terrible career. The count of Beuren was
seized at Louvain, and sent prisoner to Madrid ; and wherever
it was possible to lay hands on a suspected patriot, the
occasion was not neglected. It would be a revolting task to
enter into a minute detail of all the horrors committed, and
* Vandervynct. f Van Meteren. J Vandervynct.
15tjy. uouKOKs OF alva's administration. 119
impossible to record the names of tlie victims who so quickly
fell before Alva's insatiate cruelty. The people vv^ere driven
to frenzy. Bands of wretches fled to the woods and marshes;
whence, half famished and perishing- for want, they revenged
themselves with pillage and murder. Pirates mfested and
ravaged the coast; and thus, from botli sea and land, the
whole extent of the Netherlands was devoted to carnage and
ruin.* The chronicles of Brabant and Holland,f chiefly
written in Flemish by contemporary authors, abound in
thrilling details of the horrors of this general desolation, with
long lists of those who perished. Suffice it to say, that on
the recorded boast of Alva himself, he caused 18,000 inhabit-
ants of the Low (.'ountries to perish by the hands of the exe-
cutioner, during- liis less than six years' sovereignty in the
Netherlands.!
The most important of these tragical scenes w^as now soon
to be acted. The counts Egmont and Horn, having submit-
ted to some previous interrogatories by Vargas and others,
were removed from Ghent to Brussels, on the 3d of June,
under a strong escort. The following day they passed through
the mockery of a trial before the council of blood ; and on the
5th, they were botli beheaded in the great square of Brussels,
in the presence of Alva, who gloated on the spectacle from a
balcony that commanded the execution. The same day Van-
straelen and Casambrot shared the fate of their illustrious
friends, in the castle of Vilvorde; with many others, wdiose
names only find a place in the local chronicles of the times.
Egmont and Horn met their fate with the firmness expected
from their well-proved courage.
These judicial murders excited in the Netherlands an agi-
tation without bounds. It was no longer hatred or aversion
that filled men's minds, but fury and despair. The out-burst-
ing of a general revolt was hourly watched for. The foreign
powers, without exception, expressed their disapproval of
these executions. . The emperor Maximilian II., and all the
Catholic princes, condemned them. The former sent his
brother expressly to the king of Spain, to warn him, that
without a cessation of his cruelties, he could not restrain a
general declaration from the members of the empire, which
would, in all likelihood, deprive him of every acre of land hi
the Netherlands. § The princes of the Protestant states lield
no terms in the expression of their disgust and resentment ;
and every thing seemed now ripe, both at home and abroad,
to favor the enterprise on which the prince of Orange was
* Vandervynct. j I'atavin illnptrated. tGrotiiis. § Vandervynct.
120 HiPTOKY OF nu: aktherlands. 156S.
determined to risk his fortune and iiis life. But his principnl
resources were to be found in his g-enius and courag-e, and in
the heroic devotion partaken by his whole family in the cause
of their country. His brother, count Jolm, advanced him a
considerable sum of money; the Fleming's and Hollanders, in
England and elsewhere, subscribed largely ; the prince him-
self, after raising loans in every possible way on his private
means, sold his jewels, his plate, and even the furniture of
his houses, and threw the amount into the common fund.
Two remarkable events took place tliis year in Spain, and
added to the general odium entertained against Philip's char-
acter throughout Europe. The first vras tlie death of his son
don Carlos, whose sad story is too well known in connexion
with the annals of his country to require a place here ; the
other was the death of the queen. Universal opinion assigned
poison as the cause ;* and Charles IX. of France^ her brother,
who loved her with great tenderness, seems toliave joined in
tliis belief Astonishment and horror filled all minds on the
double denouement of this romantic tragedy; and the enemies
of the tyrant reaped all the advantages it was so well adapted
to produce them.
The prince of Orange, having raised a considerable force
in Germany, now entered on the war vrith all the well-di-
rected energy by which he was characterized. The queen
of England, the French Huguenots, and the Protestant princes
of Germany, all lent him their aid in money or in men ; and
he opened his first campaign with great advantage. He
formed his army into four several corps, intending to enter
the country on as many diiferent pomts, and by a sudden ir-
ruption on that most vulnerable to rouse at once the hopes
and the co-operation of the people. His brothers Louis and
Adolphus, at the head of one of these divisions, penetrated
into Friesland, and there commenced the contest. The count
of Aremberg, governor of this province, assisted by the Span-
ish troops under Gonsalvo de Bracamonte, quickly opposed
the invaders. They met on the 24th of May near the abbey
of Heiligerlee, which gave its name to the battle ; and after
a short contest the royalists were defeated with great loss.
The count of Aremberg and Adolphus of Nassau encountered
in single combat, and fell by each other's hands. f Tlie vic-
tory was dearly purchased by the loss of this gallant prince,
the first of his illustrious family, who have on so many occa-
sions, down to these very days, fi-eely shed their blood for the
* Vandervynct. t Strada.
1568. DISASTERS OF THE rATRIOTS. ] 'J I
freedom and happiness of the country whicli may Ijc so em-
phatically called their own.
Alva immediately hastened to the scene of this first action,
and soon forced comit Louis to another at a place called Jeni-
minghem, near the town of Embden, on the 21st of July.
Their forces were nearly equal, about 14,000 on either side ;
but all the advantage of discipline and skill was in favor of
Alva ; and the consequence was, the total rout of the patriots
with a considerable loss in killed and the whole of the cannon
and bag-g-ag-e. The entire province of Friesland was thus
again reduced to obedience, and Alva hastened back to Bra-
bant to make head against the prince of Orange. The latter
had now under his command an army of 28,000 men, — an
imposing force in point of numbers, being double that which
his rival was able to muster. He soon made himself master
of the towns of Tongres and St. Trend, and the whole prov-
ince of Liege was in his power. He advanced boldly against
Alva, and for several months did all that manoeuvring could
do to force him to a battle. But the wily veteran knew his
trade too well ; he felt sure that in time the prince's force
would disperse for want of pay and supplies ; and he managed
his resources so ably, that with little risk and scarcely any
loss he finally succeeded in his object. In the month of Oc-
tober the prince found himself forced to disband his large but
undisciplined force ; and he retired into France to recruit his
funds and consider on the best measures for some future en-
terprise.
The insolent triumph of Alva knew^ no bounds. The rest
of the year was consumed in new executions. The hotel of
Culembourg, the early cradle of De Brederode's confederacy,
was rased to the ground, and a pillar erected on the spot
commem.orative of the deed ; while Alva, resolved to erect a
monument of his success as well as of his hate, had his own
.statue in brass, formed of the cannons taken at Jemminghem,
set up in the citadel of Antwerp, with various symbols of
power and an inscription of inflated pride.
The following year was ushered in by a demand of un-
wonted and extravagant rapacity ; the establishment of two
taxes on property, personal and real, to the amount of the
hundredth penny (or denier) on each kind; and at every
transfer or sale, ten per cent, on personal, and five per cent,
for real property. The states-general, of whom this demand
was made, were unanimous in tlieir opposition, as well as the
ministers; but particularly De Berlaimont and Viglius. Alva
was so irritated that he even menaced tiie venerable presi-
dent of the council, but could not succeed in intimidatinrf
}22 lliSTOKV Ol TlJi; AETHKKLANDS. loTO.
him. lie obstinatoly persisted in his design for a considera-
ble period ; resisting- arguments and prayers, and even tiie
more likely means tried for softening liis cupidity, by fur-
nisliing him with sums from other sources equivalent to those
which the new taxes were calculated to produce.* To his
repeated threats against Viglius the latter replied, that " he
was convinced the king would not condemn him unheard ;
but that at any rate his gray hairs saved him from any ignoble
fear of death."t
A deputation was sent from the states-general to Philip,
explaining the impossibility of persevering in the attempted
taxes, which were incompatible with every principle of com-
mercial liberty.| But Alva would not abandon his design till
he had forced every province into resistance, and the king
himself commanded him to desist. The events of this and
the following year (1570) may be shortly summed up ; none
of any striking interest or eventual importance having oc-
curred. The sufferings of the country were increasing from
day to day under the intolerable tyranny whicli bore it down.
The patriots attempted nothing on land ; but their naval force
began from this time to acquire that consistency and power
which was so soon to render it the chief means of resistance
and the great source of wealth. The privateers or corsairs,
which began to swarm from every port in Holland and Zea-
land, and which found refuge in all those of England, sullied
many gallant exploits by instances of culpable excess ; so
much so, that the prince of Orange was forced to v\'ithdraw
the command which lie had delegated to the lord of Dolhain,
and to replace him by Gislain de Fiennes : for already seve-
ral of the exiled nobles and ruined merchants of Antwerp
and Amsterdam had joined these bold adventurers ; and pur-
chased or built, v.-ith the remnant of their fortunes, many
vessels, in which they carried on a most productive warfare
against Spanish commerce through the whole extent of tlie
English channel, from the mouth of the Embs to the harbor
of La Rochelle.5
One of those frightful inundations to which the northern
provinces were so constantly exposed, occurred this year,
carrying away the dikes, ancl destroying lives and property
to a considerable amount. In Friesland alone 20,000 men
were victims to this calamity. But no suffering could affect
the inflexible sternness of the duke of Alva ; and to such
excess did he carry his persecution, that Philip himself be-
* Vandervynct. t Vifrlii Comment, p. 307.
X De Neny, MJia. Hist, et Pol. siir les Pays Bas. § Vandervynct.
IC)72. LA CEKDa's APi'OlNTMEIST. i'll]
g-an to be discontented, and thoug-ht his representative was
overstepping- the bounds of delcg-ated tyranny. He even re-
proached him sharply in some of liis dispatches. The gov-
ernor replied in the same strain ; and such was the effect of
this correspondence, that Philip resolved to remove him from
his connnand. But the king-'s marriag-e with Anne of Aus-
tria, daughter of the emperor Maximilian, obliged him to
defer his intentions for a while ; and he at length named
John de la Cerda, duke of Medina-Celi, for Alva's successor.
Upwards of a year, how^ever, elapsed before this new govern-
or was finally appointed; and he made his appearance on
the coast of Flanders with a considerable fleet, on the 11th
of May, 1572. He was afforded on this very day a specimen
of the sort of people he came to contend with ; for his fleet
was suddenly attacked by that of the patriots, and many of
his vessels burned and taken before his eyes, with their rich
cargoes and considerable treasures intended for the service
of the state.*
The duke of Medina-Celi proceeded rapidly to Brussels,
where he w^as ceremoniously received by Alva, wdio however
refused to resign the government, under the pretext that the
term of his appointment had not expired, and that he was
resolved first to completely suppress all symptoms of revolt
in the northern provinces. He succeeded in effectually dis-
gusting La Cerda, who almost immediately demanded and
obtained his own recall to Spain. Alva, left once more in
undisputed possession of his powder, turned it w^ith increased
vigor into new channels of oppression. He was soon again
employed in efforts to effect the levying of his favorite taxes;
and such was the resolution of the tradesmen of Brussels,
that, sooner than submit, they almost universally closed their
shops altogether. Alva, furious at this measure, caused sixty
of the citizens to be seized, and ordered them to be hanged
opposite their own doors. The gibbets were actually erected,
when, on the very morning of tlie day fixed for the execu-
tions, he received dispatches that wholly disconcerted him,
and stopped their completion.!
To avoid an open rupture with Spain, the queen of Eng-
land had just at this time interdicted the Dutch and Flemish
privateers from taking shelter in her ports. William de la
Marck count of Lunoy had now the chief command of this
adventurous force. He was distinguished by an inveterate
hatred against the Spaniards, and had made a wild and ro-
mantic vow never to cut his hair or beard till he had avenged
* Vandervynct. t Mem.
i24 HISTOKY or Tin: MrriiERLAND::?. 157'-'-
the murders of Egmont and Horn. He was impetuous and
terrible in all his actions, and bore the surname of "the wild
boar of the Ardennes." Driven out of the harbors of Eng-
land, he resolved on some desperate enterprise ; and on the
1st of April he succeeded in surprising the little town of
Brille, in the island of Voorn, situate between Zealand and
Holland. This insignificant place acquired great celebrity
from this event, which may be considered the first successful
step towards the establishment of liberty and the republic*
Alva was confounded by the news of this exploit, but with
his usual activity he immediately turned his whole attention
towards the point of greatest danger. His embarrassment,
however, became every day more considerable. Lunoy's
success was the signal of a general revolt. In a fev/ days
every town in Holland and Zealand declared for liberty,
with the exception of Amsterdam and JVIiddleburg, where
the Spanish garrisons were too strong for the people to at-
tempt their expulsion.
The prince of Orange, who had been on the watch for a
favorable moment, now entered Brabant at the head of 20,000
men, composed of Frencli, German, and English, and made
himself master of several important places ; while his inde-
fatigable brother Louis, with a minor force, suddenly appeared
in Hainault, and, joined by a large body of French Huguenots
under De Genlis, he seized on Mons, the capital of the prov-
ince, on the 25th of May.
Alva turned first towards the recovery of this important
place, and gave the command of the siege to his son Frederic
of Toledo, who was assisted by the counsels of Noircarmes
and Vitelli ; but Louis of Nassau held out for upwards of
three months, and only surrendered on an honorable capitu-
lation in the month of September ; his French allies having
been first entirely defeated, and their brave leader De Genlis
taken prisoner. The prince of Orange had in the mean time
secured possession of Louvaine, Ruremonde, Mechlin, and
other towns, carried Termonde and Oudenarde by assault,
and made demonstrations which seemed to court x4lva once
more to try the fortune of the campaign in a pitched battle.
Bat such w^ere not William's real intentions,! nor did the
cautious tactics of his able opponent allow him to provoke
such a risk. He, however, ordered his son Frederic to march
with all his force into Holland, and he soon undertook the
siege of Haerlem. By the time that Mons fell again into tlie
power of the Spaniards, sixty-five towns and their territories,
* Vandorvynct. t Idem.
1573. IIAEKLEJI BESIEGED. 125
chiefly in the northern provinces, had thrown off the yoke.
The single port of Flessingue contained 150 patriot vessels,
w^ell armed and equipped ;* and from that epoch may be dated
the rapid growth of the first naval power in Europe, with the
single exception of Great Britain.
It is here worthy of remark, that all the horrors of which
the people of Flanders were the victims, and in their full
proportion, had not the effect of exciting them to revolt ; but
they rose up with fury against the payment of the new taxes.
They sacrificed every thing sooner than pay these unjust ex-
actions— Omnia dabant, ne decimcun darant.] The next im-
portant event in these wars was the siege of Haerlem, before
which place the Spaniards v^^ere arrested in their progress
for seven months, and which they at length succeeded in
taking with a loss of 10,000 men.
The details of this memorable siege are calculated to
arouse every feeling of pity for the heroic defenders, and of
execration against the cruel assailants. A wido^v, named
Kenau Hasselaer, gained a niche in history by her remark-
able valor at the head of a battalion of 300 of her townswo-
men, who bore a part in all the labors and perils of the siege.|
After the surrender, and hi pursuance of Alva's common sys-
tem, his ferocious son caused the governor and the other
chief officers to be beheaded ; and upwards of 2000 of the
worn-out garrison and burghers were either put to the sword,
or tied two and two, and drowned in the lake which gives its
name to the town.^ Tergoes in South Beveland, Mechlin,
Naerden, and other towns, were about the same period the
scenes of gallant actions, and of subsequent cruelties of the
most revolting nature as soon as they fell into the power of
the Spaniards.il Horrors like these were sure to force repri-
sals on the part of the maddened patriots. De la Marck
carried on his daring exploits with a cruelty which excited
the indignation of the prince of Orange, by whom he was
removed from his command. The contest was for a while
prosecuted, with a decrease of vigor proportioned to the
serious losses on both sides ; money and the munitions of
war began to fail ; and though the Spaniards succeeded in
taking the Hague, they were repulsed before Alkmaer with
great loss, and their fleet was almost entirely destroyed in a
naval combat on the Zuyder Zee. The count Bossu, their
* Cerisier. t Grotius. J Strada. ^ Bentivoglio.
IjStrada, with all his bigotry to the Spanish cause, admits that these ex-
resses were atrorious crimes rather than j\i?t plmi^hm^-nf3: non pmnn. aed
ilasritivm.
126 IIISTOUY OF TIIK NETHERLANDS. 15713.
admiral, was taken in this fight, with about 300 of liis best
sailors,
Holland was now from one end to the other the theatre of
the most shockin<( events. While the peoj)le performed deeds
of the greatest heroism, the perfidy and cruelty of the Span-
iards had no bounds. The patriots saw more danger in sub-
mission than in resistance ; each town, wliich was in succcs
sion subdued, endured the last extremities of sufl'ering before
it yielded, and victory was fretjucntly the conse(pjence of
desi)air.* This unlooked-f()r turn in affairs decided the kini^
to remove Alva, whose barbarous and rapacious contluct
was now objected to even by Philip, wlien it produced re-
sults disastrous to his cause. Don J.uis Zanega y Requesens,
commander of the order of Malta, was named to the gov-
ernment of the Netherlands. He arrived at Brussels on the
17th of November, 1573 ; and on the 18tli of the following-
month, the monster whom he succeeded set out for Spain,
loaded with the booty to which he had waded through oceans
of blood, and with the curses of the country, which, how-
ever, owed its subserjuent freedom to the impulse given by
his intoleralde cruelty. He repaired to Spain ; and after va-
rious fluctuations of favor and disgrace at the hands of his
congenial master, he died in his bed, at Lisbon, in 1582, at
the advanced age of seventy-four years.
CHAP. X.
1573—1570.
TO THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT.
The character of Reciuescns was not more opposed to that
of his predecessor, than were the instructions given to him
for his government. He was an honest, well-meaning, and
moderate man ;f and the king of Spain hoped, that by his in-
fluence and a total change of measures, he might succeed in
recalling the Netherlands to obedience. But, happily for the
country, this change was adopted too late for success ; and
the weakness of the new government completed the glorious
results which the ferocity of the former had prepared.
Requesens performed all that depended on him, to gain the
confidence of the people. He caused Alva's statue to be rc-
* Gmtius. Strada. Bentivoglio. t Pe Thou.
1574. EECiUESEXs' govehnmext. 1:i7
movod ; and hoped to efface the momor>' of ihe tyrant, ]y
(VinHoh'iwj the council of blfx^fl, and fjhandoninf./- the obnoxious
taxes which their inventor hail KU«|K;ndcd rather than aLol-
ished. A g-eneral amnohty was al.srj prornul<.fated airain.st the
revolted provinces : they received it with contempt and defi-
ance. Nothinf( then was left to Requcsens but to renew the
war ; and this he found to be a niatter of no easy execution.
The finances were in a state of the (^eatest confusion; and
trie Spanish troops were in many places seditious, in some
of>enly njutinous, Alva liavinj/ left larg-e arrears of pay due
to almost all, notwithstandinir the immense amount of his
pilla^/e and extortion.* Middlebur;/, which had Umtr .sus-
tained a siege againf^t all the efforts of the patriots, was now
nearly reduced by famine, notwithstanding the gallant efforts
of its governor, Mondragon. Renuesens turned his imme-
diate attention to tlie relief of this important place ; and he
sofjn assembled, at Antwerp and Bergen-op-Zrxjrn, a fleet of
sixty vessels for that p-urpose. But J.ouis B^^isot, a/lmiral of
Zealand, promptly repaired to attack this force ; and after a
severe action he totally defeated it, and killed De Glimes, one
of its admirals, under the eyes of Requesens himself, who,
accompanied by his suite, str^od during the whole affair on the
dike of Schakerloo.f This action tfxA place the 29th of
January, 1574; and, on the 19th of February following, Mid-
dleburg surrendered, after a resistance of two years. The
prince of Orange granted such conditions aji ware due to the
bravery of the governor ; and thus set an example of gene-
rosity and honor wfjich greatly changed the complexion oi'
the war.t All Zealand was now free ; and the intrepid Jid-
miral Bfiiaot gained another victory on the '.MMi of Slay, —
destroying several of the Spanish vessels, and taking munt
others, with their a/Imiral Von Haemstede. Frequent nav.vl
enterprises were also undertaken against the frontiers of
Flanders; and while the naval forces thus harassed the ene-
my on every vulnerable point, the unfortunate provinces of
the interior v,ere ravaged by the mutinous and revolted Span-
iards, and by the native brigands, who pillaged both royalists
and patriots with atrocious impartiality.
To these manifold evils was now added one more terrible,
in the appearance of the plague, which broke out at Ghent
in the month of Oct/jf>er, and devastatx-d a great part of the
Netherlands; not, however, with that violence with which
it rages in more s^juthem climates,}
Requesens, overwhelmed by difficulties, yet exerted him-
♦ Vander\ynct. t Idem. t Met-?ren. 5 Vandervynrt'
128 HISTORY OF THE ^"ET11ERLA^DS. 1574.
self to the utmost to put the best face on the affairs of gov-
ernment. His chief care was to appease the mutinous sol-
diery : he even caused his plate to be melted, and freely g-ave
the produce towards tlie payment of their arrears. Tlie pa-
triots, well informed of this state of things, labored to turn it
to their best advantage. They opened the campaign in the
province of Guelders, where J.ouis of Nassau, with his
younger brother Henry, and the prince Palatine, son of the
elector Frederick III., appeared at the head of 11,000 men:
the prince of Orange prepared to join him with an equal
number ; but Requesens promptly dispatched Sanchez d'Avila
to prevent this junction. The Spanish commander quickly
passed the Meuse near Nimeguen ; and on the 14th of April
he forced count Louis to a battle, on the great plain called
Mookerheyde, close to the village of Mook. The royalists
attacked with their usual valor ; and after two hours of hard
fighting, the confederates were totally defeated. The three
gallant" princes were among the slain, and their bodies were
never afterwards discovered. It has been stated, on doubtful
authority, that Louis of Nassau, after having lain some time
among the heaps of dead, dragged himself to the side of the
river Meuse, and while washing his wounds, was inhumanly
murdered by some straggling peasants, to whom he was un-
known.* The unfortunate fate of this enterprising prince
was a severe blow to the patriot cause, and a cruel affliction
to the prince of Orange. He had now already lost three
brothers in the war ; and remained alone, to revenge their
fate, and sustain the cause for which they had perished.
D'Avila soon found his victory to be as fruitless as it was
brilliant. The ruffian troops, by whom it was gained, became
immediately self-disbanded; threw off all authority; hastened
to possess themselves of Antwerp ; and threatened to proceed
to the most horrible extremities, if their pay was longer with-
held. The citizens succeeded with difficulty m appeasing
them, by the sacrifice of some money in part payment of their
claims. Requesens took advantage of their temporary calm,
and dispatched them promptly to take part in the siege of
Ley den. f
This siege formed another of those numerous instances
which became so memorable from the mixture of heroism and
horror. Jean Vanderdoes, known in literature by the name
of Dousa, and celebrated fbr his Latin poems, commanded the
place. Valdez, who conducted the siege, urged Dousa to sur-
render ; when the latter replied, in the name of the inhab-
* Haroeus T Vandervynct.
1575. SIEGE OF LEYDEjV. 129
itants, '• that when provisions failed them, tliey would devour
their left hands, reserving tlie right to defend their liberty."
A party of the inhabitants, driven to disobedience and revolt
by the excess of misery to which they were shortly reduced,
attempted to force the burgomaster, Vanderwerf, to supply
them with bread, or yield up the place. But he sternly made
the celebrated answer, wliich cannot be remembered without
shuddering — " Bread I have none ; but if my death can af-
tord you relief, tear my body in pieces, and let those who are
most hungry devour it!"
But in this extremity relief at last was afforded by the
decisive measures of the prince of Orange, who ordered all
the neighboring dikes to be opened and the sluices raised,
thus sweeping away the besiegers on the waves of the ocean :
the inhabitants of Leyden were apprized of this intention by
means of letters intrusted to the safe carriage of pigeons
trained for the purpose,* The inundation was no sooner
effected, than hundreds of flat-bottomed boats brought abun-
dance of supplies to the half-famished town ; while a violent
storm carried the sea across the country for twenty leagues
around, and destroyed the Spanish camp, with above 1000
soldiers, who were overtaken by the flood. This deliverance
took place on the 3d of October, on which day it is still an-
nually celebrated by the descendants of the grateful citizens.f
It was now for the first time that Spain would consent to
listen to advice or mediation, which had for its object the
termination of this frightful war. The emperor Maximilian II.
renewed at this epoch his efforts with Philip ; and under such
favorable auspices conferences commenced at Breda, where
the counts Swartzenberg and Hohenloe, brothers-in-law of
the prince of Orange, met, on the part of the emperor, the
deputies from the king of Spain and the patriots ; and hopes
of a complete pacification were generally entertained. But
three months of deliberation proved their fallacy. The
patriots demanded toleration for the reformed religion. The
king's deputies obstinately refused it. The congress was
tlierefore broken up; and both oppressors and oppressed
resumed their arms with increased vigor and tenfold des-
peration. •
Requesens had long fixed his eyes on Zealand as the
scene of an expedition by which he hoped to repair the
failure before Leyden ; and he caused an attempt to be made
on the town of Zuriczee, in the island of Scauwen, which
Stiada. t Vandervynct.
130 HISTORY OF THE NETHEKLANDS. 1575.
merits record as one of the boldest and most original enter-
prises of the war.
The little islands of Zealand are separated from each other
by narrow branches of the sea, wliich are fordable at low
water ; and it was by such a passage, two leagues in breadth,
and till then untried, that the Spanish detachmeiit of 1750
men, under Ulloa and other veteran captains, advanced to
their exploit in the midst of dangers greatly increased by a
night of total darkness. Each man carried round his neck
two pounds of gunpowder, with a sufficient supply of biscuit
for two days ; and holding their swords and muskets* liigli
over their heads, they boldly waded forward, three abreast,
in some places up to their shoulders in water. The alarm
was soon given ; and a shower of balls was poured upon the
gallant band, from upwards of forty boats which the Zea-
landers sent rapidly towards tlie spot. The only light afforded
to either party was from the flashes of their guns; and while
the adventurers advanced w4th undaunted firmness, their
equally daring assailants, jumping from their boats into the
water, attacked them with oars and hooked handspikes, by
which many of the Spaniards were destroyed. The rear-
guard, in this extremity, cut off from their companions, was
obliged to retreat ; but the rest, after a considerable loss, at
length reached the land, and thus gained possession of tlie
island, on the night of the 28th of September, 1575.*
Requesens quickly afterwards repaired to the scene of tliis
gallant exploit, and conmienced the siege of Zuriczee, which
he did not live to see completed. After having passed the
winter months in preparations for tlie success of this object
w^hich he had so much at heart, he was recalled to Brussels
by accounts of new mutinies in the Spanish cavalry ; and the
very evening before he reached the city he was attacked by
a violent fever, which carried him off five days afterwards,
on the 5th of March, 1576.t
The suddenness of Requesen's illness had not allowed time
for even the nomination of a successor, to w^hich he was
authorized by letters patent from the king. It is believed
that his intention was to appoint count JMansfield to the com-
mand of the army, atid De Berlaiinont to the administration
of civil affairs.! The government, however, now devolved
entirely into the hands of the council of state, which was at
that period composed of nine members. The principal of
these was Philip de Croi duke of Arschot ; the other leading
members were Viglius, counts Mansfield and Berlaimont;
♦ Strada. T Dentivoglio. I Straiia.
1576. DISASTROUS CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY. 131
and the council was degraded by numbering-, among the rest,
Debris and De Roda, two of the notorious Spaniards who had
formed part of the council of blood.
The king resolved to leave the authority in the hands of
this incongruous mixture, imtil the arrival of don John of
Austria, his natural brother, whom he had already named to
the office of governor-general. But in tlie interval the
government assumed an aspect of unprecedented disorder;
and wide-spread anarchy embraced the whole country. The
royal troops openly revolted, and fought against each other
like deadly enemies. The nobles, divided in their views, ar-
rogated to themselves in different places the titles and powers
of command. Public faith and private probity seemed alike
destroyed. Pillage, violence, and fei'ocity, were the com-
monplace characteristics of the times.f
Circumstances -like these may be well supposed to have
revived the hopes of the prince of Orange, who quickly saw
amidst this chaos the elements of order, strength, and
liberty. Such had been his previous affliction at the harrow-
ing events which he witnessed, and despaired of being able
to relieve, that he had proposed to the patriots of Holland and
Zealand to destroy the dikes, submerge the whole country,
and abandon to the waves the soil which refused security to
freedom. But Providence destined him to be the savior, in-
stead of the destroyer, of his country. The chief motive of this
excessive desperation had been the apparent desertion by
queen Elizabeth of the cause which she had hitherto so
mainly assisted. Offended at the capture of some English
ships by the Dutch, who asserted that they carried supplies
for the Spaniards, she withdrew from them her protection :
but by timely submission they appeased her wrath ; and it is
thought by some historians, that even thus early the prince
of Orange proposed to place the revolted provinces wholly
under her protection. This, however, she for the time refused ;
but she strongly solicited Philip's mercy for these unfortunate
countries, through the Spanish ambassador at her court.
In the mean time the council of state at Brussels seemed
disposed to follow up as far as possible the plans of Requesens.
The siege of Zuriczee was continued ; but speedy dissensions
among the members of the government rendered their au-
thority contemptible, if not utterly extinct, in the eyes of the
people. The exhaustion of the treasury deprived them of all
power to put an end to the mutinous excesses of the Spanish
troops, and the latter carried their licentiousness to the utmost
t Bentivoglio.
132 HISTORY OF THE NETHEKLAXUS. 1576.
bounds. Zuriczee, admitted to a surrender, and saved from
pillage by the payment of a large sum, was lost to the roy-
alists within three months, from the want of discipline in its
garrison ; and the towns and burghs of Brabant suffered as
much from the excesses of their nommal protectors as could
have been inflicted by tlie enemy. The mutineers at length,
to the number of some thousands, attacked and carried by
force the town of Alost, at equal distances between Brussels,
Ghent, and Antwerp ; imprisoned the chief citizens; and levied
contributions on all the country round. It was then that the
council of state found itself forced to proclaim them rebels,
traitors, and enemies to the king and the country, and called
on all loyal subjects to pursue and exterminate them wherever
they were found in arms.*
This proscription of the Spanish mutineers was followed
by the convocation of the states-general ; ar>d the government
thus hoped to maintain some show of union, and some chance
of authority. But a new scene of intestine violence com-
pleted the picture of executive inetficiency. On the 4th of
September, the grand bailiff' of Brabant, as lieutenant of tlie
baron de Hesse, governor of Brussels, entered the council-
chamber by force, and arrested all the members present, on
suspicion of treacherously maintaining intelligence with the
Spaniards. Counts Mansfield and Berlaimont were impris-
oned, with some others. Viglius escaped this indignity by
being absent from indisposition. This bold measure was
hailed by the people with unusual joy, as the signal for that
total change in the government which they reckoned on as
the prelude to complete freedom.
The states-general were all at this time assembled, with
the exception of those of Flanders, who joined the others with
but little delay. The general reprobation against the Span-
iards procured a second decree of proscription ; and their
desperate conduct justified the utmost violence with which
they might be pursued. They still held the citadels of Ghent
and Antwerp, as v/ell as Maestricht, which they had seized
on, sacked, and pillaged with all tlie fury which a barbarous
enemy inflicts on a town carried by assault. On the 3d of
November, the other body of mutineers, in possession of
xllost, marched to the support of their fellow brigands in the
citadel of Antwerp ; and both, simultaneously attacking this
magnificent city, became masters of it in all points, in spite
of a vigorous resistance on the part of the citizens. They
then began a scene of rapine and destruction unequalled m
♦ Bentivoiilio
157t). rAciricATiON of giient. i',V3
tlie annals of these desperate wars. More than 500 private
mansions and the splendid town-house were delivered to the
flames : 7000 citizens perished by the sword or in the waters
of the Scheldt. For three days the carnage and the pillage
went on with unheard-of fury ; and the most opulent town in
Europe was thus reduced to ruin and desolation by a few
thousand frantic ruffians. The loss was valued at above
2,000,000 golden crowns. Vargas and Romero were the
principal leaders of this infernal exploit ; and De Roda gained
a new title to his immortality of shame, by standing forth as
its apologist.
The states-general, assembled at Ghent, were solemnly
opened on the 14th of September. Being apprehensive of a
sudden attack from the Spanish troops in the citadel, they
proposed a negotiation, and demanded a protecting force from
the prince of Orange, who immediately entered into a treaty
with their envoy, and sent to their assistance eight compa-
nies of infantry and seventeen pieces of cannon, under the
command of the English colonel Temple."* In the midst of
this turmoil and apparent insecurity, the states-general pro-
ceeded in their great work, and assumed the reins of govern-
ment in the name of the king. They allowed the council of
state still nominally to exist, but they restricted its powers
far within those it had hitherto exercised ; and the govern-
ment, thus absolutely assuming the form of a republic, issued
manifestoes in justification of its conduct, and demanded suc-
cor from all the foreign powers. To complete the union be-
tween the various provinces, it was resolved to resume the
negotiations commenced the preceding year at Breda ; and
the 10th of October was fixed for this new congress to be
held in the town-house of Ghent.
On the day appointed, the congress opened its sittings ;
and rapidly arriving at the termination of its important object,
the celebrated treaty know^n by the title of The Pacification
of Ghent was published on the 8th of November, to the
sound of bells and trumpets ; while the ceremony was ren-
dered still more imposing by the thunder of the artillery
which battered the walls of the besieged citadel. It was
even intended to have delivered a general assault against the
place at the moment of the proclamation ; but the mutineers
demanded a capitulation, and finally surrendered three days
afterwards. It was the wife of the famous Mondragon who
commanded the place in her husband's absence ; and by her
heroism gave a new proof of the capability of the sex to sur-
* Vandervvnct,
1'34 IlISTOMY OF THE NETHKHLANDS. 1576.
pass the limits which nature seems to have fixed for their
conduct.
The Pacification contained twenty-five articles: — amongst
others, it was ag'reed,
That a full amnesty should be passed for all oflTences what-
soever.
Tliat the estates of Brabant, Flanders, Hainault, Artois,
nd others, on the one part ; the prince of Orange, and the
states of Holland and Zealand and their associates, on the
other; promised to maintain good faith, peace, and friend-
ship, firm and inviolable; to mutually assist each other, at
all times, in council and action ; and to employ life and for-
tune, above all things, to expel from the country the Spanish
soldiers and other foreigners.
That no one should be allowed to injure or insult, by word
or deed, the exercise of the Catholic religion, on pain of being
treated as a disturber of the public peace.
That the edicts against heresy and the proclamations of
the duke of Alva should be suspended.
That all confiscations, sentences, and judgments rendered
since 1566, sliould be annulled.
That the inscriptions, monuments, and trophies erected by
the duke of Alva should be demolished.
Such were the general conditions of the treaty; the re-
maining articles chiefly concerned individual interests. The
promulgation of this great charter of union, which was con-
sidered as the fundamental law of the country, was hailed in
all parts of the Netherlands with extravagant demonstrations
of joy.
CHAP. XI.
1576—1580.
TO THE RENUNCIATION OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF SPAIN AND THE
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
On the very day of the sack of Antwerp, don John of Aus-
tria arrived at Luxembourg. This ominous commencement
of his vice-regal reign was not belied by the events which
followed ; and the hero of Lepanto, the victor of the Turks,
the idol of Christendom, was destined to have his reputation
and well-won laurels tarnished in the service of the insidious
despotism to which he now became an instrument. Don John
1576. 1)0^' JOHN or Austria. 135
was a natural son of Charles V., and to fine talents and a
good disposition united the advantag-es of hereditary courage
and a liberal education, lie was born at Ratisbon, on the
24th of February, 154I3.'^- His reputed mother was a young
lady of that place, named Barbara Blomberg : but one histo-
rian states, that the real parent was of a condition too elevated
to have her rank betrayed ; and that, to conceal the mystery,
Barbara Blomberg had voluntarily assumed the distinction,!
or the dishonor, according to the ditTerent constructions put
upon the case. The prince, having passed through France,,
disguised, for greater secrecy or in a youthful frolic, as a
negro valet to Prince Octavo Gonzaga,| entered on the limits
of his new government, and immediately wrote to the council
of state in the most condescending terms to announce his ar-
rival, ij
Nothing could present a less promising aspect to the prince
than the country at the head of which he was now placed.
He found all its provinces, with the sole exception of liUxem-
bourg, in the anarchy attendant on a ten years' civil war,
and apparently resolved on a total breach of their allegiance
to Spain. He found his best, indeed his only, course to be
that of moderation and management ; and it is most probable
that at the outset his intentions were really honorable and
candid.
The states-general were not less embarrassed than the
prince. His sudden arrival threw them into great perplexity,
which was increased by the conciliatory tone of his letter.
They had now removed from Ghent to Brussels ; and first
sending deputies to pay the honors of a ceremonious welcome
to don John, they wrote to the prince of Orange, then in
Holland, for his advice in this difficult conjuncture. The
prince replied by a memorial of considerable length, dated
Middleburg, the 30th of November, in which he gave them
the most wise and prudent advice ; the substance of which
was to receive any propositions commg from the wily and
perfidious Philip with the utmost suspicion, and to refuse all
negotiation with his deputy, if the immediate withdravv'al of
the foreign troops was not at once conceded, and the accept-
ance of tiie pacification guarantied in its most ample extent, j]
This advice was implicitly folio wed ; the states in the mean
time taking the precaution of assembling a large body of
troops at Vv^avre, between Brussels and Namur, the command
of which was given to the count of Lalain. A still more im-
* Strada. t Amelot de la Houssaye. X Strada,
§ Bcntivopiio. || Meteren, 1. 6.
J 3() HISTORY OF THK M'.THF.RLANDS. J;~)77
portaiit measure was the dispatch of an envoy to Enfjland, to
implore the assistance of Elizabeth. She acted on tiiis occa-
sion with frankness and intrepidity; giving- a distinguished
reception to the envoy De Swevegheui, and advancing a loan
of 100,000/. sterling, on condition that the states made no
treaty without her knowledge or participation.*
To secure still more closely the federal union that now
bound the different provinces, a new compact was concluded
by the deputies on the 9th of January, 1577, known by the
title of The Union of Brussels, and signed by the prelates,
ecclesiastics, lords, gentlemen, magistrates, and others, re-
presenting the estates of the Netherlands. A copy of this act
of union was transmitted to don John, to enable him thoroughly
to understand the present state of feeling among those \vitJi
whom he was now about to negotiate. He maintained a
general tone of great moderation throughout the conference
which immediately took place ; and after some months of cau-
tious parleying, in the latter part of which the candor of the
prince seemed doubtful, and which the native historians do
not hesitate to stigmatize as merely assumed, a treaty was
signed at jMarche-en-Famenne, a place between Namur and
Luxembourg, in which every point insisted on by the states
was, to the surprise and delight of tlie nation, fully consented
to and guarantied. This important document is called The
Perpf'tual Edict, bears date the 12th of February, 1577, and
contains nineteen articles. They were all based on the ac-
ceptance of the Pacification ; but one expressly stipulated
that the count of Beuren should be set at liberty, as soon as
the prince of Orange, his father, had on his part ratified the
treaty, f
Don John made his solemn entry into Brussels on the 1st
of May, and assumed the functions of his limited authority.
The conditions of the treaty were promptly and regularly
fulfilled. The citadels occupied by the Spanish soldiers were
given up to the Flemish and Walloon troops ; and the depar-
ture of these ferocious foreigners took place at once. The
large sums required to facilitate this measure made it neces-
sary to submit for a while to the presence of the German
mercenaries. But don John's conduct soon destroyed the
temporary delusion which had deceived the country. Whether
his projects were hitherto only concealed, or that they were
now for the first time excited by the disappointment of those
hopes of authority held out to him by Philip, and which his
predecessors had shared, it is certain that he very early dis-
* M'-toren, I. G. | Vandervyjict.
loll, VRiyCK OF OKANGE ENTKKs! HKLSSKLS. \ ''il
])layed his ambition, and very imprudently attempted lo put
it in force. He at once demanded from the council of state
the command of the troops and the disposal of the revenues.
The answer was a simple reference to the Pacification of
Ghent ; and the prince's rejoinder was an apparent submis-
sion, and the immediate dispatch of letters in cip'her to the
king-, demanding a supply of troops sufficient to restore his
ruined authority. These letters were intercepted by the
kino- of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV. of France, wlio im-
mediately transmitted them to the prince of Orange, his old
friend and fello^\'-soldier.
Public opinion, to the suspicions of which don John had
been from the first obnoxious, was now unanimous in attri-
buting to design all that was unconstitutional and unfair. His
impetuous character could no longer submit to the restraint
of dissimulation, and he resolved to take some bold and de-
cided measure. A very favorable opportunity was presented
in the arrival of the queen of Navarre, Marguerite of Valois,
at Namur, on her w^ay to Spa. The prince, numerously at-
tended, hastened to the former town under pretence of paying
his respects to the queen. As soon as she left the place, he
repaired to the glacis of the town, as if for the mere enjoy-
ment of a walk, admired the external appearance of the cita-
del, and expressed a desire to be admitted inside. The young-
count of Berlaimont, in the absence of his father, the governor
of the place, and an accomplice in the plot with don John,
freely admitted him. The prince immediately drew forth a
pistol, and exclaimed, that " that was the first moment of his
government ;" took possession of the place with his imme-
diate guard, and instantly formed them into a devoted gar-
rison.
The prince of Orange immediately made public the inter-
cepted letters ; and, at the solicitation of the states-general,
repaired to Brussels ; into which city he made a truly tri-
umphant entry on the 23d of September, and was immediately
nominated governor, protector or ruioard of Brabant, — a dig-
nity which had fallen into disuse, but was revived on this oc-
casion, and which was little inferior in power to that of the
dictators of Rome.* His authority, now almost unlimited,
extended over every province of the Netherlands, except
Namur and Luxembourg, both of which acknowledged don
John.
The first care of the liberated nation was to demolish the
various citadels rendered celebrated and odious by the ex-
* Vandervvnct.
138 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1577
cessosof the Spaniards. This was done with an entlmsiastit
industry in which every age and sex bore a part, and which
promised well for liberty. Amono- the ruins of that of Ant-
werp the statue of the duke of Alva was discovered; dragged
through the filthiest streets of the town ; and, with all the
indignity so well merited by the original, it was finally broken
into a thousand pieces.
The country, in conferring such extensive powers on the
prince of Orange, had certainly gone too far, not for his de-
sert, but for its own tranquillity. It was impossible that such
an elevation should not excite the discontent and awaken the
enmity of the haughty aristocracy of Flanders and Brabant ;
and particularly of the house of Croi, the ancient rivals of
that of Nassau. The then representative of that family
seemed the person most suited to counterbalance William's
excessive power. The duke of Arschot was therefore named
governor of Flanders; and he immediately put himself at the
head of a confederacy of the Catholic party, wiiich quickly
decided to offer the chief government of the country, still in
the name of Philip, to the archduke Mathias, brother of the
emperor Rodolf II., and cousin-german to Philip of Spain, a
youth but nineteen years of age. A Flemish gentleman
named Maelsted was intrusted wdth the proposal. Mathias
joyously consented ; and, quitting Vienna with the greatest
secrecy, he arrived at Maestricht, without any previous an-
nouncement, and expected only by the party that had invited
him, at the end of October, 1577.
The prince of Orange, instead of showing the least symp-
tom of dissatisfaction at this underhand proceeding aimed at
his personal authority, announced his perfect approval of the
nomination, and w^as the foremost in recommending measures
for the honor of the archduke and the security of the country.
He drew up the basis of a treaty for Matliias's acceptance,
on terms which guarantied to the council of state and the
states-general the virtual sovereignty, and left to the young
prince little beyond the fine title which had dazzled his boy-
ish vanity. The prince of Orange was appointed his lieu-
tenant, in all the branches of the administration, civil, mili-
tary, or financial; and the duke of iVrschot, w^ho had hoped to
obtain an entire domination over the puppet he had brought
upon the stage, saw himself totally foiled in his project, and
left without a chance or a pretext for the least increase to his
influence.
But a still greater disappointment attended this ambitious
nobleman in the very strong-hold of his power. The Flem-
mgs, driven by persecution to a state of fury almost unnatu-
1577. RYUOVE AND IIE>fBYSE. 139
ral, had, in their antipathy to Spain, adopted a hatred against
Catholicism, which had its source only in political frenzy,
while the converts imag-ined it to arise from reason and con-
viction. Tw^o men had taken advantage of this state of the
public mind, and g-ained over it an unbounded ascendency.
They were Francis de KethuUe lord of Ryhove, and John
Hembyse, who each seemed formed to realize the beau-ideal
of a factious demagog-uc. They had acquired supreme power
over the people of Ghent, and had at their command a body
of 20,000 resolute and well-armed supporters. The duke of
Arschot vainly attempted to oppose his authority to that of
these men ; and he on one occasion imprudently exclaimed,
that " he would have them hanged, even though they were
protected by the prince of Orange himself" The same night
Ryhove summoned the leaders of his bands ; and quickly as-
sembling a considerable force, they repaired to the duke's
hotel, made him prisoner, and, without allowing him time to
dress, carried him away in triumph. At the same time the
bishops of Bruges and Ypres, the high bailiffs of Ghent and
Courtrai, the governor of Oudenarde, and other important
magistrates, were arrested — accused of complicity with the
duke, but of what particular offence the lawless demagogues
did not deign to specify. The two tribunes immediately di-
vided the whole honors and authority of administration ; Ry-
hove as military, and Hembyse as civil, chief
The latter of these legislators completely changed the
forms of the government ; he revived the ancient privileges
destroyed by Charles V., and took all preliminary measures
for forcing the various provinces to join with the city of
Ghent in forming a federative republic. The states-general
and the prince of Orange were alarmed, lest these troubles
might lead to a renewal of the anarchy from the effects of
which the country had but just obtained breathing-time.
Ryhove consented, at the remonstrance of the prince of
Orange, to release the duke of Arschot ; but William was
obliged to repair to Ghent in person, in the hope of establish-
ing order. He arrived on the 29th of December, and entered
on a strict inquiry with his usual calmness and decision. He
could not succeed in obtaining the liberty of the other prison-
ers, though he pleaded for them strongly. Having severely
reprimanded the factious leaders, and pointed out the dangers
of their illegal course, he returned to Brussels, leaving the
factious city in a temporary tranquillity w^hich his firmness
and discretion could alone have obtained.*
♦ Vandervvnct.
I U) msrojjv oi the m:tiieklands. ]o7b.
The archduke ]Mathias, having visited Antwerp, and ac-
ceded to all the conditions required of him, made his public
entry into Brussels on the 18th of January, 1578, and was
installed in his dignity of g-overnor-g-eneral amidst the usual
fetes and rejoicings. Don John of Austria was at the same
time declared an enemy to the coimtry, with a public order
to quit it without delay ; and a prohibition was issued against
any inhabitant acknowledging his forfeited authority.
War was now once more openly declared ; some fruitless
negotiations having afforded a fair pretext for hostilities.
The rapid appearance of a numerous army under the orders
of don John gave strength to the suspicions of his former
dissimulation. It was currently believed that large bodies
of the Spanish troops had remained concealed in the forests
of Luxembourg and Lorraine ; while several regiments,
which had remained in France in the service of the League,
immediately re-entered the Netherlands. Alexander Farnese
prince of Parma, son of the former governant, came to the
aid of his uncle don John at the head of a large force of
Italians ; and these several reinforcements, with the German
auxiliaries still in the country, composed an army of 20,000
men.* The army of the states-general was still larger ; but
far inferior in pomt of discipline. It was commanded by An-
toine de Goignies, a gentleman of Hainault, and an old soldier
of the school of Charles V.
After a sharp affair at the village of Riminants, in which
the royalists had the worst, the two armies met at Gemblours,
on the 31st of January, 1578 ; and the prince of Parma
gained a complete victory, almost with his cavalry only,
taking De Goignies prisoner, with the whole of his artillery
and baggage.f The account of his victory is almost miracu-
lous. The royalists, if we are to credit their most minute
but not impartial historian, had only 1200 men engaged ; by
whom 6000 were put to the sword, with the loss of but
twelve men and little more than an hour's labor. J
The news of this battle threw the states into the utmost
consternation. Brussels being considered insecure, the arch-
duke Mathias and his council retired to Antwerp ; but the
victors did not feel their forces sufficient to justify an attack
upon the capital. They, however, took Louvain, Tirlemont,
and several other towns ; but these conquests were of little
import in comparison with the loss of Amsterdam, which de-
clared openly and unanimously for the patriot cause. Tne
states-general recovered their courage, and prepared for a
*Vandervynet. f Bentivoglio, | S^trada.
1578. DEATH OF U02< JOHiV. 141
new contest. They sent deputies to tlie diet of Worms, to
ask succor from the princes of the empire. The count pala-
tine John Casunir repaired to their assistance with a consid-
erable force of Germans and English, all equipped and paid
by queen Elizabeth.* The duke of Alen^on, brother of
Henry III. of France, hovered on the frontiers of Hainault
with a respectable army ; and the cause of liberty seemed
not quite desperate.
But all the various chiefs had separate interests and oppo-
site views; while the fanatic violence of the people of Ghent
sapped the foundations of the pacification to which the town
had given its name. The Walloon provinces, deep-rooted
in their attachment to religious bigotry, whicli they loved
still better than political freedom, gradually withdrew from
the common cause ; and without yet openly becoming recon-
ciled with Spain, they adopted a neutrality which was tanta-
mount to it. Don John was, how^ever, deprived of all chance
of reaping any advantage from these unfortunate dissensions.
He was suddenly taken ill in his camp at Bougy ; and died,
after a fortnight's suffering, on the 1st of October, 1578, in
the 33d year of his age.f
This unlooked-for close to a career which had been so
brilliant, and to a life from which so much was yet to be ex-
pected, makes us pause to consider for a moment the different
opinions of his times and of history on the fate of a person-
age so remarkable. The contemporary Flemish memoirs
say that he died of the plague ; those of Spain call his dis-
order the purple fever. The examination of his corpse
caused an almost general belief that he was poisoned. " He
lost his life," says one author, " with great suspicion of poi-
son."! Another speaks of the suspicious state of his intes-
tines, but without any direct opinion. § An English historian
states the fact of his beinof poisoned, without any reserve. H
Flemish writers do not hesitate to attribute his murder to the
jealousy of Philip II., who, they assert, had discovered a
secret treaty of marriage about to be concluded between don
John and Elizabeth of England, securing them the joint sov-
ereignty of the Netherlands.^ An Italian historian of credit
asserts that this ambitious design was attributed to the prince;
and admits that his death was not considered as having
* Vandervynct. f Idem.
t ^cabo su vida, con gran sospecho de veneno.—Herrera.
§ Cabrera. |j Hume.
TT See Vandervj'nct.
142 HISTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1579
arisen from natural causes.* It was also believed that Esco-
vedo, his confidential secretary, being immediately called
back to Spain, was secretly assassinated by Antonio Perez,
Philip's celebrated minister, and by the special orders of the
king. Time has, however, covered the affair with impene-
trable mystery ; and the death of don John was of little im-
portance to the affairs of the country he governed so briefly
and so ingloriously, if it be not that it added another motive
to the natural hatred for his assumed murderer.
The prince of Parma, who now succeeded, by virtue of
don John's testament, to the post of governor-general in the
name of the king, remained intrenched in his camp. He ex-
pected much from the disunion of his various opponents; and
what he foresaw, very quickly happened. The duke of Alen-
90n disbanded his troops and retired to France ; and the
prince Palatine, following his example, withdrew to Germany,
having first made an unsuccessful attempt to engage the
queen of England as a principal in the confederacy. In this
perplexity, the prince of Orange saw that the real hope for
safety was in uniting still more closely the northern prov-
inces of the union; for he discovered the fallacy of reckoning
on the cordial and persevering fidelity of the Walloons. He
therefore convoked a new assembly at Utrecht; and the de-
puties of Holland, Guelders, Zealand, Utrecht, and Groningen,
signed, on the *29th of January, 1579, the famous act called
the Unioji of Utrecht, the real basis or fundamental pact of
the republic of the United Provinces, It makes no formal
renunciation of allegiance to Spain, but this is virtually done
by the omission of the king's name. The twenty-six articles
of this act consolidate the indissoluble connexion of the
United Provinces ; each preserving its separate franchises,
and following its own good pleasure on the subject of re-
ligion. The towns of Ghent, Antwerp, Bruges, and Ypres,
soon after acceded to and joined the union.
The prince of Parma now assumed the offensive, and
marched against Maestricht with his whole army. He took
the place in the month of June, 1579, after a gallant resist-
ance, and delivered it to sack and massacre for three entire
days. About the same time Mechlin and Bois-le-duc return-
ed to their obedience to the king. Hembyse having renewed
his attempts against the public peace at Ghent, the prince of
Orange repaired to that place with speed ; and having re-
established order, and frightened the inveterate demagogue
* " E quindi nacque I'opinione dispersa allora, ch'egli mancasse di morte
aiutaty. piu tosto the naturale." — Bcvtivoglio.
1580. SOVEREIGNTY OF SPAIN RENOUNCED. 143
into secret flight, Flanders was once more restored to tran-
quillity.
An attempt was made this year at a reconciliation between
the king and the states. The emperor Rodolf II. and pope
Gregory XIII. offered their mediation; and on the 5th of
April a congress assembled at Cologne, where a number of
the most celebrated diplomatists in Europe were collected.*
But it was early seen that no settlement Avould result from
the apparently reciprocal wish for peace. One point, — that
of religion, the main, and indeed the only one in debate, —
was now maintained by Philip's ambassador in the same un-
christian spirit, as if torrents of blood and millions of treasure
had never been sacrificed in t!ie cause. Philip was inflexible
in his resolution never to concede the exercise of the reform-
ed worship ; and after nearly a year of fruitless consultation,
and the expenditure of immense sums of money, the congress
separated on the 17th of November, without having effect-
ed any thing. There were several other articles intended
for discussion, had the main one been adjusted, on which
Philip was fully as determined to make no concession ; but
his obstinacy was not put to these new tests.
The time had now arrived for the execution of the great
and decisive step for independence, the means of effecting
which had been so long the object of exertion and calculation
on the part of the prince of Orange. lie now resolved to as-
semble the states of the United Provinces, solemnly abjure
the dominion of Spain, and depose king Philip from the sov-
ereignty he had so justly forfeited. Much has been written
both for and against this measure, which involved every ar-
gument of natural rights and municipal privilege. The natu-
ral rights of man may seem to comprise only those which he
enjoys in a state of nature : but he carries several of those
with him into society, which is based upon the very principle
of their preservation. The great precedent which so many
subsequent revolutions have acknowledged and confirmed, is
that which we now record. The states-general assembled at
Antwerp early in the year 1580 ; and, in spite of all the op-
position of the Catholic deputies, the authority of Spain was
revoked for ever, and the United Provinces declared a free
and independent state. At the same time was debated the
important question as to whether the protection of the new
state should be offered to England or to France. Opinions
were divided on this point ; but that of the prince of Orange
being in favor of the latter country, from many motives of
Vaiidervviict.
144 HISTOKV OF THE I\ETHEKLA^ Dft. 15«0.
sound policy, it was decided to offer the sovereignty to the
duke of Alencon. Tlic archduke Mathias, who was present
at the deliberations, was treated with little ceremony ; but
he obtained tlie promise of a pension when the finances were
in a situation to afford it. The definite proposal to be made
to the duke of Alencon was not agreed upon for some montlis
afterwards; and it was in the month of August following
that St. Aldegonde and other deputies waited on the duke at
the chjiteau of Plessis--le-Tours, when he accepted the offered
sovereignty on the proposed conditions, which set narrow
bounds to his authority, and gave ample security to the
United Provinces.* The articles were formally signed on
the 29th day of September ; and the duke not only promised
(juickly to lead a numerous army to the Netherlands, but he
obtained a letter from his brother Henry III., dated Decem-
ber 26th, by which the king pledged himself to give further
aid, as soon as he might succeed in quieting his own disturb-
ed and unfortunate country. The states-general, assembled
at Delft, ratified the treaty on the 30th of December ; and
the year which was about to open seemed to promise the
consolidation of freedom and internal peace.
CHAP. xn.
1580—1584.
TO THE MURDER OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
Philip might be well excused the utmost violence of re-
sentment on this occasion, had it been bounded by fair and
honorable efibrts for the maintenance of his authority. But
every general principle seemed lost in the base inveteracy
of private hatred. The ruin of the prince of Orange was his
main object, and his industry and ingenuity were taxed to
the utmost to procure his murder. f Existing documents
prove that he first wished to accomplish this in such a way
as that the responsibility and odium of the act might rest on
the prince of Parma ; but the mind of the prince was at tha
period too magnanimous to allow of a participation in tlie
crime. The correspondence on the subject is preserved in
the archives, and the date of Philip's first letter (30th of No-
vember, 1579,) proves tliat even before the final disavowal
* Vandervyn'.t. ■* D'E\\€i, Hisi. Gen drt Paxs Cab. I. \i. p 1C3.
1580. l.DiCT AGAlAjiT TliJi: rUixXCJ;] OF OKAAGE. 145
of his autliority by the United Provinces, lie had harbored
his diabolical design. The prince remonstrated, but with no
cftect. It even appears that PJiilip's anxiety would not admit
of tlie delay necessary for the pri)ice's reply. The infamous
edict of proscription ag-ainst William bears date the 15tli of
March ; and the most pressing letters commanded the prince
of Parma to make it public. It was not, however, till the
15th of June that he sent forth the fatal ban.
This edict, under Philip's own signature, is a tissue of in-
vective and virulence. The illustrious object of its abuse is
accused of having engaged the heretics to profane the churches
and break the images ; of having persecuted and massacred
the Catholic priests; of hypocrisy, tyranny, and perjury; and,
as the height of atrocity, of having introduced liberty of
conscience into his country ! For these causes, and many
others, the king declares him " proscribed and banished as a
public pest :" and it is permitted to all persons to assail him
" in his fortune, person, and life, as an enemy to human na-
ture." Philip also, " for the recompense of virtue and the
punishment of crime," promises to whoever will deliver up
William of Nassau, dead or alive, "in lands or money, at his
choice, the sum of 25,000 golden crowns ; to grant a free
pardon to such person for all former offences of what kind
soever, and to invest him with letters patent of nobility."
In reply to this brutal document of human depravity, Wil-
liam published all over Europe his famous " Apology ;" of
which it is enough to say, that language could not produce a
more splendid refutation of every charge, or a more terrible
recrimination against the guilty tyrant. It was attributed to
the pen of Peter de Villiers, a Protestant minister. It is
universally pronounced one of the noblest monuments of
history.* William, from the hour of his proscription, became
at once the equal in worldly station, as he had ever been the
superior in moral w^orth, of his royal calumniator. He took
his place as a prince of an imperial family, not less ancient
or illustrious than that of the house of Austria ; and he stood
forward at the supreme tribunal of public feeling and opinion
as the accuser of a king who disgraced his lineage and his
throne.
By a separate article in the treaty v\7ith the states, the duke
of Alen^on secured to William the sovereignty of Holland
and Zealand, as w^ell as the lordship of Friesland, with his
title of stadtholder, retaining to the duke his claim on the
prince's faith and homage.f The exact nature of William's
- Voltaire. t Meteien
10
146 IIISTOKY or THE NETHERLA^DS. 15^1
authority was finally ratifiecl on the 24th of July, 1581 ; on
whicli day ho took the prescrihed oath, and entered on the
exercise of his well-earned rights.
Philip now formed the design of sending- back the duchess
of Parma to resume her former situation as governant, and
exercise the authority conjointly with her son. But the latter
positively declined this proposal of divided power ; and he,
consequently, was left alone to its entire exercise. Military
affairs made but slow progress this year. The most remark-
able event was the capture of La None, a native of Bretagne,
one of the bravest, and certamly the cleverest, officers in the
service of the states, into which he had passed after having
given important aid to the Huguenots of France. He was
considered so important a prize, that Philip refused all pro-
posals for his exchange, and detained him in the castle of
Limbourg for five years.
The siege of Cambray was now undertaken by the prince
of Parma in person ; while the duke of Alencon, at the head
of a large army, and the flower of the French nobility, ad-
vanced to its relief, and soon forced his rival to raise the
siege. The new sovereign of the Netherlands entered the
town, and was received with tumultuous joy by the half-
starved citizens and garrison. The prince of Parma sought
an equivalent for this check in the attack of Tournay, which
he immediately afterwards invested. The town was but feebly
garrisoned ; but the Protestant inhabitants prepared for a des-
perate defence, under the exciting example of the princess
of Epinoi, wife of the governor, who was himself absent.
This remarkable woman furnishes another proof of the fe-
male heroism which abounded m these wars. Though
wounded in the arm, she fought in the breach sword in hand,
braving peril and death. And when at length it was impos-
sible to hold out longer, she obtained an honorable capitula-
tion, and marched out, on the i^Oth of November, on horse-
back, at the head of the garrison, with an air of triumph
rather than of defeat.
The duke of Alencon, now created duke of Anjou, by which
title we shall hereafter distinguish him, had repaired to Eng-
land, in hopes of completing his project of marriage Vv'ith Eliz-
abetli. After three months of almost confident expectation,
the virgin queen, at this time fifty years of age, witli a ca-
price not quite justifiable, broke all her former engagements ;
and, happily for herself and her country, declined the mar-
riage. Anjou burst out into all the violence of his turbulent
temper, and set sail for the Netherlands.* Elizabeth made
* Cainden. p. 486.
1582. ATTEMPT TO MURDER WILLIAM. 147
all the reparation in her power, by the honors paid him on hia
dismissal. She accompanied liim as far as Canterbury, and
sent liim away under the convoy of the earl of Leicester, her
chief favorite; and with a brilliant suite and a fleet of fifteen
sail. Anjou was received at Antwerp with equal distinction ;
and was inaug-urated there on the 19th of February as duke
of Brabant, Lothier, Limbourg, and Guelders, with many
other titles, of which he soon proved himself unworthy. When
the prince of Orange, at the ceremony, placed the ducal
mantle on his shoulders, Anjou said to him, " Fasten it so
well, prince, that they cannot take it off again !"
During the rejoicings which followed this inauspicious
ceremony, Philip's proscription against the prince of Orange
put forth its first fruits. The latter gave a grand dinner in
the chateau of Antwerp, which he occupied, on the 18th of
March, the birth-day of the duke of Anjou ; and, as he was
quitting the dining-room, on his way to his private chamber,
a young man stepped forward and offered a pretended peti-
tion, William being at all times of easy access for such an
object. While he read the paper, the treacherous suppliant
discharged a pistol at his head : the ball struck him under the
left ear, and passed out at the right cheek. As he tottered
and fell, the assassin drew a poniard to add suicide to the
crime, but he was instantly put to death by the attendant
guards. The young count Maurice, William's second son,
examined the murderer's body ; and the papers found on him,
and subsequent inquiries, told fully who and what he was.
His name was John Jaureguay, his age twenty-three years ;
he was a native of Biscay, and clerk to a Spanish merchant
of Antwerp, called Caspar Anastro. This man had instigated
him to the crime ; having received a promise signed by king
Philip, engaging to give him 28,000 ducats and other advan-
tages, if he would undertake to assassinate the prince of
Orange.* The inducements held out by Anastro to his simple
dupe, were backed strongly by the persuasions of Antony
Timmerman, a Dominican monk ; and by Venero, Anastro's
cashier, who had from fear declined becoming himself the
murderer. Jaureguay had duly heard mass, and received the
sacrament, before executing his attempt; and in his pockets
were found a catechism of the Jesuits, with tablets filled with
prayers in the Spanish language ; one in particular being ad-
dressed to the angel Gabriel, imploring his intercession with
God and the Virgin, to aid him in the consummation of his
object. Other accompanying absurdities seem to pronounce
* Meteren, De Thou, &;c.
148 lllSTOItY OF THE KETHEKLAXDS. 15^2
this miserable wretch to be as much an instrument in the
hands of others as the weapon of his crime was in his own.
Timmerman and Venero made a full avowal of their crimi-
nality, and suffered death in the usual barbarous manner of
the tunes. The Jesuits, some years afterwards, solemnly
gathered the remains of these three pretended martyrs, and
exposed them as holy relics for public veneration.* Anastro
affected his escape.
The alarm and indignation of the people of Antwerp knew
no bounds. Their suspicions at first fell on the duke of An-
iou and the French party ; but the truth was soon discovered;
\nd the rapid recovery of the prince of Orang-e from his des-
perate wound, set every thing once more to rights. But a
premature report of his death flew rapidly abroad ; and he
had anticipated proofs of his importance in the eyes of all
Europe, in the frantic delight of the base, and the deep afflic-
tion of the good. Within three months, William was able to
accompany the duke of Anjou in his visits to Ghent, Bruges,
and the other chief towns of Flanders ; in each of which the
ceremony of inauguration was repeated. Several military
exploits now took place, and various towns fell into the hands
of the opposing parties ; changing masters with a rapidity,
as well as a previous endurance of suffering, that must have
carried confusion and change on the contending principles of
allegiance into the hearts and heads of the harassed inhab-
itants.
The duke of Anjou, intemperate, inconstant, and unprin-
cipled, saw that his authority was but the shadow of power,
compared to the deep-fixed practices of despotism which
governed the other nations of Europe. The French officers,
who formed his suite and possessed all his confidence, had no
difficulty in raising his discontent into treason against the
people with whom he had made a solemn compact. The re-
sult of their councils was a deep-laid plot against Flemish
liberty ; and its execution was ere-long- attempted. He sent
secret orders to the governors of Dunkirk, Bruges, Termonde,
and other towns, to seize on and hold them in his name ; re-
serving for himself the infamy of the enterprise against Ant-
werp. To prepare for its execution, he caused his numerous
army of French and Swiss to approach the city; and they
were encamped in the neighborhood, at a place called Bor-
gerhout.
On the 17th of January, 1583, the duke dined somewhat
earlier than usual, under the pretext of proceeding after-
* D'Ewez,
Id^S. attejipt against AXTWEKP. 1 t9
wards to review his army in their camp. He set out at noon,
accompanied by his guard of 200 horse ; and when he reached
the second drawbridg-e, one of his officers gave the precon-
certed signal for an attack on the Flemish guard, by pretend-
ing that he had fallen and broken his leg. The duke called
out to his followers, " Courage, courage ! the tovv'n is ours !"
The guard at the gate was all soon dispatched ; and the
French troops, which waited outside to the number of 3000,
rushed quickly in, furiously shouting the war-cry, " Town
taken ! town taken ! kill ! kill !" The astonished but intrepid
citizens, recovering from their confusion, instantly flew to
arms. All differences in religion or politics were forgotten
in the common danger to tlieir freedom. Catholics and Pro-
testants, men and women, rushed alike to the conflict. The
ancient spirit of Flanders seemed to animate all. Workmen,
armed with the instruments of their various trades, started
from their shops and flung themselves upon tlie enemy. A
baker sprang from the celler where he was kneading his
dough, and with his oven shovel struck a French dragoon"to
the ground. Those who had fire-arms, after expending their
bullets, took from their pouches and pockets pieces of money,
which they bent between their teeth, and used for charging
their arquebusses. The French were driven successively
from the streets and ramparts, and the cannons planted on
the latter were immediately turned against the reinforce-
ments which attempted to enter the town. The French were
everywhere beaten ; the duke of Anjou saved himself by
flight, and reached Termonde, after the perilous necessity of
passing through a large tract of inundated country. His loss
in this base enterprise amounded to 1500 ; while that of the
citizens did not exceed eighty men.* The attempts simul-
taneously made on the other towns succeeded at Dunkirk and
Termonde ; but all the others failed.
The character of the prince of Orange never appeared so
thoroughly great as at this crisis. With wisdom and mag-
nanimity rarely equalled and never surpassed, he threw him-
self and his authority between the indignation of the country
and the guilt of Anjou ; saving the former from excess, and
the latter from execration. The disgraced and discomfited
duke proffered to the states excuses as mean as they were
hypocritical ; and his brother, the king of France, sent a
special envoy to intercede for him. But it was the influence
of William tiiat screened the culprit from public reprobation
and ruin, and regained for him the place and power which he
* Meteren.
150 JIISTOKV Oi THE >F/rHi:KI,AMJ!S. ] 064.
mig-lit easily have pecurctl for liimself, had he not prized the
welfare of his country far above all objects of private advan-
tage. A new treaty was negotiated, confirming Aiijou in his
former station, with renewed security against any future
treachery on his part. He m the mean tnne retired to
France, to let the public mdignation subside ; but before he
could assume sufficient confidence again to face the country
he had so basely injured, his worthless existence was sud-
denly terminated, some thought by poison, — the common solu-
tion of all such doubtful questions m those days, — in the
month of June in the following year. He expired in his
twenty-ninth year.
A disgusting proof of public ingratitude and want of judg-
ment was previously furnished by the conduct of the people
of Antwerp against him who had been so often their deliverer
from such various dangers. Unable to comprehend the great-
ness of his mind, they openly accused the prince of Orange
of having joined with tlie French for their subjugation, and
of having concealed a body of that detested nation in the
citadel. The populace rushed to the place, and having
minutely examined it, were convinced of their own absurdity
and the prince's innocence. He scorned to demand their
punishment for such an outrageous calumny ; but he was not
the less afiiicted at it.* He took the resolution of quitting
Flanders, as it turned out, for ever ; and he retired into Zea-
land, where he was better known and consequently better
trusted.
In the midst of the consequent confusion in the former of
these provinces, the prince of Parma, with indefatigable
vigor, made himself master of town after town ; and turned
his particular attention to the creation of a naval force, which
was greatly favored by the possession of Dunkirk, Nieuport,
and Gravelines. Native treachery was not idle in this time
of tumult and confusion. The count of Renneberg, governor
of Friesland and Groningen, had set the basest example, and
gone over to the Spaniards. The prince of Chimay, son of
the duke of Arschot, and governor of Bruges, yielded to the
persuasions of his father, and gave up the place to the prince
of Parma. Hembyse also, amply confirming the bad opinion
in which the prince of Orange always held hun, returned to
Ghent, where he regained a great portion of his former in-
fluence, and immediately commenced a correspondence with
the prince of Parma, offering to deliver up both Ghent and
Termonde. An attempt was consequently made by the
* D'Ewez.
1584. WILLIAM OF NASSAU. 151
Spaniards to surprise the former town ; but the citizens were
prepared for this, having- intercepted some of tlie letters o.
Hembyse ; and the traitor was seized, tried, condemned, and
executed on the 4th of August, 1584. He was upwards of
seventy years of- age.* Ryhove, his celebrated colleague,
died in Holland some years later.
But the fate of so insignificant a person as Hembyse passed
almost unnoticed, in the agitation caused by an event whicli
shortly preceded his death.
From tlie moment of their abandonment by the duke of
Anjou, the United Provinces considered themselves indepen-
dent; and although they consented to renew his authority
over the country at large, at the solicitation of tlie prince of
Orange, they were resolved to confirm the influence of the
latter over their particular interests, which they were now
sensible could acquire stability only by that means.f The
death of Anjou left them without a sovereign ; and they did
not hesitate in the choice which they were now called upon
to make. On whom, indeed, could they fix but William of
Nassau, without the utmost injustice to him, and the deepest
injury to themselves? To whom could they turn, in prefer-
ence to him who had given consistency to the early explosion
of their despair ; to him who first gave the country political
existence, then nursed it mto freedom, and now beheld it in the
vigor and prime of mdependence ? He had seen the necessity,
but certainly over-rated the value, of foreign support, to
enable the new state to cope with the tremendous tyranny
from which it had broken. He had tried successively Ger-
many, England, and France. From the first and the last
of these powers he had received two governors, to whom he
cheerfully resigned the title. The incapacity of both, and
the treachery of the latter, proved to the states that their
only chance for safety was m the consolidation of William's
authority ; and they contemplated the noblest reward which
a grateful nation could bestow on a glorious liberator. And
is it to be believed, that he who for twenty years had sacri-
ficed his repose, lavished his fortune, and risked his life, for
the public cause, now aimed at absolute dominion, or coveted
a despotism which all his actions prove him to have abhorred ?
Defeated bigotry has put forward such vapid accusations. He
has been also held responsible for the early cruelties which,
it is notorious, he used every means to avert, and frequently
punished. But while these revolting acts can only be viewed
m the light of reprisals against the bloodiest persecution that
* Vandervynct. t Meteren.
I'y^ HISTOJtV OF THE NKTHEKLAKDS. J OH4.
ever exiiited, by exasperated men driven to vengeance by u
bad example, not one single act of cruelty or bad faith has
ever been made good against William, who may be safely
pronounced one of the wisest and best men that history has
held up as examples to the species.
The authority of one author has been produced to prove
that, during the lifetime of his brother Louis, offers were
made to him by France, of the sovereignty of the northern
provinces, on condition of the southern being joined to the
French crown.* That he ever accepted those offers is without
proof: that he never acted on them is certain. But he might
have been justified in purchasing freedom for those states
which had so well earned it, at the price even of a qualified
independence under another power, to the exclusion of those
which had never heartily struggled against Spain. The best
evidence, however, of William's real views is to be found in
the Capitulation, as it is called ; that is to say, the act which
was on the point of being executed between him and the states,
when a base fanatic, instigated by a bloody tyrant, put a pe-
riod to his splendid career. This capitulation exists at full
length,! but was never formally executed. Its conditions are
founded on the same principles, and conceived in nearly the
same terms, as those accepted by the duke of Anjou ; and the
whole compact is one of the most thoroughly liberal that his-
tory has on record. The prince repaired to Delfl for the
ceremony of his inauguration, the price of his long labors; but
there, instead of anticipated dignity, he met the sudden stroke
of death.J
On the 10th of July, as he lefl his dining-room, and while
he placed his foot on the first step of the great stair leading
to the upper apartments of his house, a man named Balthazar
Gerard, (who, like the former assassin, waited for him at the
moment of convivial relaxation,) discharged a pistol at his
body : three balls entered it. He fell into the arms of an at-
tendant, and cried out faintly, in the French language, "God
pity me ! I am sadly wounded — God have mercy on my soul,
and on this unfortunate nation !" His sister, the countess of
Swartzenberg, who now hastened to his side, asked him in
German, if lie did not recommend his soul to God ] He an-
swered, " Yes," in the same language, but with a feeble
voice. He was carried into the dining-room, where he imme-
diately expired. His sister closed liiseyes:^ his wife, too,
w^as on the spot, — Louisa, daughter of the illustrious Coligny,
* Amelot de la floussaye. f Bor. liv. 15. p. 203.
X Grotius S La Pise, Hist, des Princes d'Orange.
1584. CHAKACTFR OF WILLIAM. 153
and widow of the gallant count of Teligny, both of whom
were also murdered almost in her sight, in the frightful mas-
sacre of St. Bartholomew. We may not enter on a descrip-
tion of the afflicting scene which followed : but the mind is
pleased in picturing the bold solemnity with which prince
Maurice, then eighteen years of age, swore — not vengeance
or hatred against his father's murderers — but that he would
faithfully and religiously follow the glorious example he had
given him.*
There is but one important feature in the character of Wil-
liam which we have hitherto left untouched, but which the
circumstances of his death seemed to sanctify, and point out
for record in the same page with it. We mean his religious
opinions ; and we shall dispatch a subject which is, in regard
to all men, so delicate, indeed so sacred, in a few words. He
was born a Lutheran, When he arrived, a boy, at the court
of Charles V., he was initiated into the Catholic creed, in
which he was thenceforward brought up. Afterwards, when
he could think for himself and choose his profession of faitli,
he embraced the doctrine of Calvin. His whole public con-
duct seems to prove that he viewed sectarian principles chiefly
in the light of political instruments; and that, himself a con
scientious Christian, in the broad sense of the term, he was
deeply imbued with the spirit of universal toleration, and con-
sidered the various shades of belief as subservient to the one
grand principle of civil and religious liberty, for which he had
long devoted and at length laid down his life. His assassin
was taken alive, and four days afterwards executed with ter-
rible circumstances of cruelty, which he bore as a martyr
might have borne them.f He was a native of Burgundy, and
had for some months lingered near his victim, and insinuated
himself into his confidence by a feigned attaciunent to liberty,
and an apparent zeal for the reformed faith. He was never-
theless a bigoted Catholic ; and, by his own confession, he had
communicated his design to, and received encouragement to
* Whoever would really enjoj' the spirit of historical details should never
omit an opportunity of seeing places rendered memorable by associations
connected with the deeds, and especially with the death, of great men;
the spot, for instance, where William was assassinated at Deift: the old
staircase he was just on the point of ascending; the narrow pass between
that and the dininghall whence he came out, of scarcely sufficient extent
for the murderer to hold forth his arm and his pistol, 2i feet long. This
weapon, and its fellow, are both preserved in the museum of the Hague,
together with two of the fatal bullets, and the very clothes which the victim
wore. The leathern douhhit, pierced hy the balls and burned by the powder,
lies beside the other parts of the dress, the sini]>le gravity of which, in
fashion and color, irresistibly brings the wise, great man before us, and add*
a hundred-fold to the interest excited by a recital of his murder.
t Le Petit. Histoire des Pays Bas.
154 MISTOllY or TlIK NETHEKLANDS. Id^A.
its execution from, more than one minister of the sect to
which he belong-ed. But Jiis avowal criminated a more im-
portant accomplice, and one whose character stands so high
in history, that it behoves us to examine thoroughh^ the truth
of the accusation, and the nature of the collateral proofs by
which it is supported. IMost writers on this question have
leaned to the side which all would wish to adopt, for the honor
of human nature and the integrity of a celebrated name. But
an original letter exists in the archives of Brussels, from the
prince of Parma himself to Philip of Spain, in which he ad-
mits that Balthazar Gerard had communicated to him his in-
tention of murdering the prince of Orange, some months be-
fore the deed was done ; and he mixes phrases of compassion
for " the poor man" (the murderer) and of praise for the act ;
which, if the document be really authentic, sinks Alexander
of Parma as low as the wretch with whom he sympathized.*
CHAP. XIII.
1584—1592.
TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER PRINCE OF PARMA.
The death of William of Nassau not only closes the scene
of his individual career, but throws a deep gloom over the
historv of a revolution that was sealed by so great a sacrifice.
The animation of the story seems suspended. Its events lose
for a time their excitement. The last act of the political
drama is performed. The great hero of the tragedy is no
more. The other most memorable actors have one by one
passed away. A whole generation has fallen in the contest ;
and it is with exhausted interest, and feelings less intense,
that w^e resume the details of war and blood, which seem no
longer sanctified by the grander movements of heroism. The
stirring impulse of slavery breaking its chains yields to the
colder inspiration of independence maintaining its rights.
The men we have now to depict were born free ; and the
deeds they did were those of stern resolve rather than of
frantic despair. The present picture may be as instructive
as the last, but it is less thrilling. Passion gives place to
reason ; and that which wore the air of fierce romance is su-
perseded by w^hat bears the stamp of calm reality.
* Pef> on this subject DEwez, Hi.«t. Gen. de la Belgique, t. vi. p. 197, &c.
J5C<5. JllSKKlES OF THi: COU?.'TKV. 155
The consternation caused by the news of William's death
soon yielded to the firmness natural to a people inured to
suffering and calamity. The United Provinces rejected at
once tlie overtures made by the prince of Parma to induce
tliem to obedience. They seemed proud to show that their
fate did not depend on that of one man. He therefore turned
his attention to the most effective means of obtaining results
by force, which he found it impossible to secure by persua-
sion. He proceeded vigorously to the reduction of the chief
towns of Flanders, the conquest of which would give him
possession of the entire province, no army now remaining to
oppose him in the field. He soon obliged Ypres and Ter-
monde to surrender ; and Ghent, forced by famine, at length
yielded on reasonable terms. The most severe was the utter
abolition of the reformed religion ; by which a large portion
of the population was driven to the alternative of exile ; and
they passed over in crowds to Holland and Zealand, not half
of the inhabitants remaining behind. Mechlin, and finally
Brussels, worn out by a fruitless resistance, followed the ex-
ample of the rest ; and thus, within a year after the death
of William of Nassau, the power of Spain was again estab-
lished in the whole province of Flanders, and the others
which comprise what is in modern days generally denomi-
nated Belgium.
But these domestic victories of the prince of Parma were
barren in any of those results which humanity would love to
see in the train of conquest. The reconciled provinces pre-
sented the most deplorable spectacle. The chief towns
were almost depopulated. The inhabitants had in a great
measure fallen victims to war, pestilence, and famine. Little
inducement existed to replace by marriage the ravages
caused by death, for few men wished to propagate a race
whicli divine wrath seemed to have marked for persecution.
The thousands of villages which had covered the face of the
country were absolutely abandoned to the wolves, which had
so rapidly increased, that they attacked not merely cattle and
chddren, but grown-up persons. The dogs, driven abroad by
hunger, had become as ferocious as other beasts of prey, and
joined in large packs to hunt down brutes and men. Neither
fields, nor woods, nor roads, were now to be distinguished by
any visible limits. All was an entangled mass of trees,
weeds, and grass. The prices of the necessaries of life were
so high, that people of rank, after selling every thing to buy
bread, were obliged to have recourse to open beggary in the
streets of the great towns.
From this frightful picture, and the numerous details which
150 IIIS'I'ORY or TH£ XETIlETiLAND«. ] 585.
imagination may readily supply, we gladly turn to the con-
trast aiTbrded by the northern states. Those we have just
described have a feeble hold upon our sympathies : we can-
not pronounce their sufferino-s to be unmerited. The want
of firmness or enlightment, v/hich preferred such an existence
to the risk of entire destruction, only heightens the glory of
the people whose unyielding energy and courage gained them
so proud a place among the independent nations of Europe.
The murder of William seemed to carry to the United
Provinces conviction of the weakness as well as the atrocity
of Spain ; and the indecent joy excited among the royalists
Glided to their courage. An immediate council was created,
composed of eighteen members, at the head of which was
unanimously placed prince ^Maurice of Nassau (who even
then gave striking indications of talent and prudence) ; his
elder brother, the count of Beuren, now prince of Orange,
being still kept captive in Spain. Count Hohenloe was ap-
pointed lieutenant-general ; and several other measures were
promptly adopted to consolidate the power of the infant re-
public. The whole of its forces amounted but to 5500 men.
The prince of Parma had 80,000 at his command.* With
such means of carrying on his conquests, he sat down regu-
larly before Antwerp, and commenced the operations of one
of the most celebrated among the many memorable sieges
of those times. He completely surrounded the city with
troops ; placing a large portion of his army on the left bank
of the Scheldt, the other on the right ; and causing to be at-
tacked at the same time the two strong forts of Lieflcinshoek
and Lillo. Repulsed on the latter Important point, his only
hope of gaining the command of the navigation of the river,
on which the success of the siege depended, was by throwing
a bridge across the stream. Neither its great rapidity, nor
its immense width, nor the want of wood and workmen,
could deter him from this vast undertaking. He was assist-
ed, if not guided, in all his projects on the occasion, by Bar-
roccio, a celebrated Italian engineer sent to him by Philip ;
and the merit of all that was done ought fairly to be, at least,
divided between the general and the engineer. If enterprise
and perseverance belonged to the first, science and skill were
the portion of the latter. They first caused two strong forts
to be erected at opposite sides of the river ; and adding to
their resources by every possible means, the}^ threw forward
a pier on each side of, and far into, the stream. The stakes,
driven firmly into the bed of the river and cemented with
* Hooft.
1585. SIEGE OF ANTWERP. 157
masses of earth and stones, were at a proper height covered
v'lth planks and defended by parapet?. These estoccades, as
they were called, reduced the river to lialf its original breadth;
and the cannon with which they were mounted rendered the
passage extremely dangerous to hostile vessels. But, to fill
up this strait, a considerable number of boats were fastened
together by chain-hooks and anchors ; and being manned and
armed with cannon, they were moored in the interval be-
tween the estoccades. During these operations, a canal was
cut between the Moer and Calloo ; by which means a com-
munication was formed with Ghent, which insured a supply
of ammunition and provisions. The works of the bridge,
which was 2400 feet in length, were constructed with such
strength and solidity, that they braved the v/inds, the floods,
and the ice of the whole winter.
The people of Antwerp at first laughed to scorn the whole
of these stupendous preparations : but when they found that
the bridge resisted the natural elements, by whicli they
doubted not it would have been destroyed, they began to
tremble in the anticipation of famine ; yet they vigorously
prepared for their defence, and rejected the overtures made
by the prince of Parma even at this advanced stage of his
proceedings. Ninety-seven pieces of cannon now defended
the bridge ; besides which, thirty large barges at each side
of the river guarded its extremities ; and forty ships of war
formed a fleet of protection, constantly ready to meet any
attack from the besieged. They, seeing the Scheldt thus
really closed up, and all communication with Zealand impos-
sible, felt their whole safety to depend on the destruction of
the bridge. The states of Zealand now sent forward an ex-
pedition, which, joined with some ships from Lillo, gave new
courage to the besieged ; and every thing was prepared for
their great attempt. An Italian engineer named Giambelli
was at this time in Antwerp, and by his talents had long pro-
tracted the defence. He has the chief merit of being the
inventor of those terrible fire-ships which gained the title of
" mfernal machines ;" and with some of these formidable in-
struments and the Zealand fleet, the long-projected attack
was at length made.
Early on the night of the 4th of April, the prince of Parma
and his army were amazed by the spectacle of three huge
masses of flame floating down the river, accompanied by
numerous lesser appearances of a similar kind, and bearing
directly against the prodigious barrier, which had cost months
of labor to him and his troops, and immense sums of money
to the stiite. The whole surface of the Sclioldt presented
158 HISTORY OF THE ^'ETHfiKLANDS. l5l^5.
one sheet of fire ; the country all round was as visible as at
noon ; the flays, the arms of the soldiers, and every object on
the bridcro, in the fleet, or the forts, stood out clearly to view ;
and the pitchy darkness of tiie sky gave increased effect to
the marked distinctness of all. Astonishment was soon suc-
ceeded by consternation, when one of the three machhies
burst with a terrific noise before they reached their intended
mark, but time enough to offer a sample of their nature. The
prince of Parma, with numerous officers and soldiers rushed
to the bridge, to witness the efl'ects of this explosion ; and
just then a second and still larger iire-ship, having burst
through the flying bridge of boats, struck against one of the
estoccades. Alexander, unmindful of danger, used every ex-
ertion of his autliority to stimulate the sailors in their at-
tempts to clear away the monstrous machine which threaten
ed destruction to all within its reach. Happily for hini, an
ensign who was near, forgetting in his general's peril all
rules of discipline and forms of ceremony, actually forced him
from the estoccade. He had not put his foot on the river
bank when the machine blew up. The effects were such as
really baffle description. The bridge was burst through ; the
estoccade was shattered almost to atoms, and, with all that
it supported, — men, cannon, and the huge machinery em-
ployed in the various works, — dispersed in the air. The
cruel marquis of Roubais, many other officers, and 800 sol-
diers, perished, in all varieties of death — by flood, or flame,
or the horrid wounds from the missiles with which the terri-
ble machine was overcharged. Fragments of bodies and
limbs were flung far and wide ; and many gallant soldiers
were destroyed, without a vestige of the human form being
left to prove that they had ever existed. The river, forced
from its bed at either side, rushed into the forts and drowned
numbers of their garrisons; while the ground far beyond
shook as in an earthquake.* The prince was struck down by
by a beam, and lay for some time senseless, together with
two generals, Delvasto and Gajitani, both more seriously
wounded than he ; and many of the soldiers w^ere burned and
mutilated in the most frightful manner. i\lexander soon re-
covered ; and by his presence of mind, humanity, and resolu-
tion, he endeavored with incredible quickness to repair th
mischief, and raised the confidence of his army as high a
ever. Had the Zealand fleet come in time to the spot, the
whole plan might have been crowned with success ; but by
* Bentivvjglio, Schiller, Vaiidervynct, and Strada.
1585. THE ST-4TE3 OliTAlN AID FK03I E>GLAAD. 159
some want of concert, or accidental delay, it did not appear;
and conse([uently the beleairuered town received no relief.
One last resource was left to the besieged; that which had
formerly been resorted to at Leyden, and by which the place
was saved. To enable them to inundate the immense plain
which stretched between Lillo and Strabrock up to the walls
of Antwerp, it was necessary to cut through the dike which
defended it against the irruptions of the eastern Scheldt.
This plain was traversed by a high and wide counter-dike,
called the dike of Couvestien ; and Alexander, knowing its
importance, had early taken possession of and strongly de-
fended it by several forts. Two attacks were made by the
garrison of Antwerp on this important construction ; the lat-
ter of which led to one of the most desperate encounters of
the war. The prince, seeing that on tlie results of this day
depended the whole consequences of his labors, fought with
a valor that even he had never belbre displayed, and he was
finally victorious. The confederates were forced to abandon
the attack, leaving 3000 dead upon the dike or at its base ;
and the Spaniards lost full 800 men.
One more fruitless attempt was made to destroy the bridge
and raise the siege, by means of an enormous vessel bearing
the presumptuous title of The End of the War. But this
floating citadel ran aground, without producing any effect ;
and the gallant governor of Antwerp, the celebrated Philip
de Saint Aldegonde, was forced to capitulate on the 16th of
August, after a siege of fourteen months. The reduction of
Antwerp was considered a miracle of perseverance and cour-
age. The prince of Parma was elevated by his success to
the highest pinnacle of renown ; and Philip, on receiving the
news, displayed a burst of joy such as rarely varied his cold
and gloomy reserve.
Even while the fate of Antwerp was undecided, the United
Provinces, seeing that they were still too weak to resist alone
the undivided force of the Spanish monarchy, had opened ne-
gotiations with France and England at once, in the hope of
gaining one or the other lor an ally and protector. Henry
III. gave a most honorable reception to the ambassadors sent
to his court, and was evidently disposed to accept their offers,
had not the distracted state of his own country, still torn by
civil war, quite disabled him from any effective co-operation.
The deputies sent to England were also well received. Eliza-
beth listened to the proposals of the states, sent them an am-
bassador in return, and held out the most flattering hopes of
succor. But her cautious policy would not suffer her to ac-
cept the sovereignty ; and she declared that she would in no
IGO HISTORY OF THE NETHESLAXDS. 1586.
ways interfere with the negotiations, which might end in its
being accepted by the king of France.* She gave prompt
evidence of her sincerity by an advance of considerable sums
of money, and by sending to Holland a body of 6000 troops,
under tlie command of her favorite, Robert Dudley earl of
Leicester ; and as security for the repayment of her loan, the
towns of Flushing and Briile, and the castle of Rammekms,
were given up to her.f
The earl of Leicester was accompanied by a splendid reti-
nue of noblemen, and a select troop of 500 followers. He was
received at Flushing by the governor. Sir Philip Sidney, Jiis
nephew, the model of manners and conduct for the young
men of his day. But Leicester possessed neither courage nor
capacity equal to the trust reposed in him; and his arbitrary
and indolent conduct soon disgusted the people whom he was
sent to assist. I They had, in the first impulse of their grati-
tude, given him the title of governor and captain-general of
the provinces, in the hope of flattering Elizabeth. But this
had a far contrary effect : she was equally displeased with
the states and with Leicester; and it Vv'as with difliculty
that, after many humble submissions, they were able to ap-
pease her. 5
To form a counterpoise to the power so lavishly conferred
on Leicester, prmce Maurice was, according to the wise ad-
vice of Olden Barnevelt, raised to the dignity of stadtholder,
captain-general, and admiral of Holland and Zealand. This
is the first instance of these states taking on themselves the
nomination to the dignity of stadtholder, for even William
had held his commission from Philip, or in his name ; but
Friesland, Groningen, and Guelders had already appointed
their local governors, under the same title, by the authority
of the states-general, the archduke ]Mathias, or even of the
provincial states. 1| Holland had now also at the head of its
civil government a citizen full of talent and probity, who was
thus able to contend with the insidious designs of Leicester
against the liberty he nominally came to protect. This was
Barnevelt, who was promoted from his ofiice of pensionary of
Rotterdam to that of Holland, and who accepted the dignity
only on condition of being free to resign it if any accommo-
dation of differences should take place with Spain.TT
Alexander of Parma had, by the death of his mother, in
February, 1586, exchanged his title of Prince for the supe-
* Metereii. f Hume, vol. v. p. 272. | Vandervynct, 1. vi. c. 2.
5 Kume. Ceri?ier, Hist. Gen. des Provinces Unies, t. iv. p. 66.
V Cerisier.
1586. DEATH OP SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. 161
rior one of duke of Parma, and soon resumed his enterprises
with his usual energy and success : various operations took
place, in which the English on every opportunity distinguish-
ed themselves ; particularly in an action near the town of
Grave, in Brabant; and in tlie taking of Axel by escalade,
under the orders of Sir Philip Sidney. A more important
ffair occurred near Zutphen, at a place called Warnsfeld,
both which towns have given names to the action. On this
occasion the veteran Spaniards, under the marquis of Guasto,
were warmly attacked aftd completely defeated by the Eng-
lish ; but the victory was dearly purchased by the death of
Sir Philip Sidney, who was mortally wounded in the thigh,
and expired a few days afterwards, at the early age of 32
years. In addition to the valor, talent, and conduct, which
had united to establish his fame, he displayed, on this last
opportunity of his short career, an instance of humanity that
sheds a new lustre on even a character like his. Stretched
on the battle-field, in all the agony of his wound, and parched
with thirst, his afflicted followers brought him some water,
procured, with difficulty, at a distance, and during the heat
of the fight. But Sidney, seeing a soldier lying near, man-
gled like himself, and apparently expiring, refused the water,
saying, " Give it to that poor man ; his sufferings are greater
than mine."*
Leicester's conduct was now become quite intolerable to
the states. His incapacity and presumption were every day
more evident and more revolting. He seemed to consider
himself in a province wholly reduced to English authority,
and paid no sort of attention to the very opposite character
of the people. An eminent Dutch author accounts for this,
in terms which may make an Englishman of this age not a
little proud of the contrast which his character presents to
what it was then considered. " The Englishman," says Gro-
tius, "obeys like a slave, and governs like a tyrant; while
the Belgian knows how to serve and to command with equal
moderation."! The dislike between Leicester and those he
insulted and misgoverned, soon became mutual. He retired
to the town of Utrecht; and pushed his injurious conduct to
such an extent, that he became an object of utter hatred to
the provinces. All the friendly feelings towards England
were gradually changed into suspicion and dislike. Confer-
ences took place at the Hague between Leicester and the
states, in which Barnevelt overwhelmed his contemptible
shuffling by the force of irresistible eloquence and well-de-
* Bor. xxi. 43. t Grot. Ann.
n
162 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1587.
served reproaches ; and after new acts of treachery, still
more odious than his former, this unworthy favorite at last set
out for Eng-land, to lay an account of his government at the
feet of the queen.*
The growing- hatred against England was fomented by the
true patriots, who aimed at the liberty of their country; and
may be excused, from the various instances of treachery dis
pliiyed, not only by the commander-in-chief, but by several
of his inferiors in command. A strong fort, near Zutphcn,
under the government of Roland York, the tov\'n of De ven-
ter, under that of William Stanly, and subsequently Guel-
ders under a Scotchman named Pallet, were delivered up to
the Spaniards by these men ; and about the same time the
English cavalry committed some excesses in Gueiders and
Holland, which added to the pre^'alent prejudice against the
nation in general. f This enmity was no longer to be con-
cealed. The partisans of Leicester, were one by one, under
plausible pretexts, removed fix)m the council of state ; and
Elizabeth having required from Holland the exportation into
England of a large quantity of rye, it was firmly but respect-
fully refused, as inconsistent with the wants of the provinces.
Prince Maurice, from the caprice and jealousy of Leices-
ter, now united in himself the whole power of command, and
commenced that brilliant course of conduct, which consoli-
dated the independence of his country, and elevated him to
the first rank of military glory. His early efforts were turned
to the suppression of the partiality which in some places ex-
isted for English domination ; and he never allowed himself
to be deceived by the hopes of peace held out by the empe-
ror and the kings of Denmark and Poland. Without refusing
their mediation, he labored incessantly to organize every pos-
sible means for maintaining the war. His "eflbrts were con-
siderably favored by the measures of Philip for the support
of the league formed by the house of Guise against Henry
in. and Henry IV, of France ; but still more by the formi-
dable enterprise which the Spanish monarch was now pre-
paring against England.
Irritated and mortified by the assistance which Elizabeth
had given to the revolted provinces, Philip resolved to em-
ploy his whole power in attempting the conquest of England
itself; hoping afterwards to effect with ease the subjuo'ation
of the Netherlands. He caused to be built, in almost ^every
port of Spain and Portugal, galleons, carricks, and other ships
of war of the largest dimensions; and at the same time gave
* Cerisier. | Bor. xx. 2-2. 26.
1587. THE SPANISH ARMADA. 163
orders to the duke of Parma to assemble in the harbors of
Flanders as many vessels as he could collect together. The
Spanish fleet, consisting of more than 140 ships of the line,
and manned Ijy 20,000 sailors, assembled at I^isbon under the
orders of the duke of Medina Sidonia ; while the duke of
Parma, uniting- his forces, held himself ready on the coast of
Flanders, with an army of 30,000 men, and 400 transports.
This prodig-ious force obtained, in Spain, the ostentatious title
of the Invincible Armada. Its destination was for a while
attempted to be concealed, under pretext that it was meant
for India, or for the annihilation of the United Provinces ;
but the mystery was soon discovered. x\t the end of May,
the principal fleet sailed from the port of Lisbon ; and being
reinforced off" Corunna by a considerable squadron, the whole
armament steered its course for the shores of England,
The details of the progress and the failure of this cele-
brated attempt, are so thoroughly the province of Englisli
history, that they would be in this place superfluous. But it
must not be forgotten that the glory of the proud result was
amply shared by the new republic, whose existence depended
on it. While Howard and Drake held the British fleet in
readiness to oppose the Spanish armada, that of Holland, con-
sisting of but twenty-five ships, under the command of Justin
of Nassau, prepared to take a part in the conflict. This gal-
lant though illegitimate scion of the illustrious house whose
name he upheld on many occasions, proved himself on the
present worthy of such a father as William, and such a brother
as Maurice. While the duke of Medina Sidonia, ascending
the channel as far as Dunkirk, there expected the junction
of the duke of Parma with his important reinforcement, Jus-
tin of Nassau, by a constant activity, and a display of intre-
pid talent, contrived to block up the whole expected force in
the ports of Flanders from Lillo to Dunkirk. The duke of
Parma found it impossible to force a passage on any one
point ; and was doomed to the mortification of knowing that
the attempt was frustrated, and the whole force of Spain
frittered away, discomfited, and disgraced, from the want of
a co-operation, which he could not, however, reproach him-
self for having withheld. The issue of the memorable ex-
pedition which cost Spain years of preparation, thousands of
men, and millions of treasure, was received in the country
which sent it forth with consternation and rage. Philip alone
possessed or affected an apathy, which he covered with a
veil of mock devotion that few were deceived by. At the
news of the disaster, he fell on his knees, and rendering
164 HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS. 1590.
thanks for that gracious dispensation of Providence, expressed
his joy that the calamity was not greater.*
TJie people^ the priests, and the commanders of the expe-
dition were not so easily appeased, or so clever as their hypo-
critical master in concealing their mortification. The priests
accounted for this triumph of heresy as a punishment on
Spain for suffering the existence of the infidel Moors in some
parts of the country. f The defeated admirals threw the
whole hlame on the duke of Parma. He, on his part, sent an
ample remonstrance to the king ; and Philip declared that
he was satisfied with the conduct of his nephew. Leicester
died four days after the final defeat and dispersion of the ar-
mada. |
The war in the Netherlands had been necessarily suffered
to languish, while every eye was fixed on the progress of
the armada, from formation to defeat. But new efforts were
soon made by the duke of Parma to repair the time he had
lost, and soothe, by his successes, the disappointed pride of
Spain. Several officers now^ came into notice, remarkable
for deeds of great gallantry and skill. None among those
were so distinguished as Martin Schenck, a soldier of fortune,
a man of ferocious activity, who began his career in the ser-
vice of tyranny, and ended it by chance in that of indepen-
dence. He changed sides several times ; but, no matter who
he fought for, he did his duty well, from that unconquerable
principle of pugnacity which seemed to make his sword a
part of himself
Schenck had lately, for the last time, gone over to the side
of the states, and had caused a fort to be built in the isle of
Betewe, — that possessed of old by the Batavians, — which was
called by his name, and was considered the key- to the pas-
sage of the Rhine. From this strong-hold he constantly har-
assed the archbishop of Cologne, and had as his latest ex-
ploit surprised and taken the strong town of Bonn. While
he duke of Parma took prompt measures for the relief of the
prelate, making himself master in the mean time of some
places of strength, the indefatigable Schenck resolved to make
an attempt on the important town of Nimeguen. He with
great caution embarked a chosen body of troops on the Wahal,
and arrived under the wails of Nimeguen at sunrise on the
morning chosen for the attack. His enterprise seemed al-
most crowned with success ; when the inhabitants, recovering
from their fright, precipitated tliemselves from the town;
forced the assailants to retreat to their boats ; and, carryuig
* Hume. t Strype, vol. iii. p. 525. \ Hume.
1591. SUCCESSES OF PRINCE MAURICE. 165
the combat into those overcharged and fragile vessels, upset
several, and among others that which contained Schenck
himself, who, covered with wounds, and fighting to tlie last
gasp, was drowned with the greater part of his followers.
His body, when recovered, was treated with the utmost in-
dignity, quartered, and hung in portions over the different
gates of the city.*
The following year was distinguished by another daring
rttempt on the part of the Hollanders, but followed by a dif-
ferent result. A captain named Haranguer concerted witli
one Adrien Vandenberg, a plan for the surprise of Breda, on
the possession of which prince Maurice had set a great value.
The associates contrived to conceal in a boat, laden with turf
(which formed the principal fuel of the inhabitants of that
part of the country,) and of which Vandenberg was master,
eighty determined soldiers, and succeeded in arriving close to
the city without any suspicion being excited. One of the sol-
diers, named Matthew Helt, being suddenly affected with a
violent cough, implored his comrades to put him to death, to
avoid the risk of a discovery. But a corporal of the city guard
having inspected the cargo with unsuspecting carelessness,
the immolation of the brave soldier became unnecessary, and
tlie boat was dragged into the basin by the assistance of some
of the very garrison who were so soon to fall victims to the
stratagem. At midnight the concealed soldiers quitted their
hiding-places, leaped on shore, killed the sentinels, and easily
became masters of the citadel. Prince Maurice, following
close with his army, soon forced the town to submit, and put
it into so good a state of defence, that count Mansfield, who
was sent to retake it, was obliged to retreat after useless ef-
forts to fulfil his mission.
The duke of Parma, whose constitution was severely injured
by the constant fatigues of war and the anxieties attending on
the late transactions, had snatched a short interval for the
purpose of recruiting his health at the waters of Spa. While
at that place he received urgent orders from Philip to aban-
don for a while all his proceedings in the Netherlands, and to
hasten into France with his whole disposable force, to assist
the army of the League. The battle of Yvri (in which tire
son of the unfortunate count Egmont met his death wliile
fightmg in the service of his father's royal murderer) had
raised the prospects and hopes of Henry IV. to a liigh pitch ;
and Paris, which he closely besieged, was on the point of
yielding to his arms. Tlie duke of Parma received his uncle's
* D'Ewez.
]66 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1591.
orders with ^reat repuo-nancc ; and lamented tlie necessity of
leaving the field of his former exploits open to the enterprise
and talents of prince Maurice. He nevertheless oheyed ; and
leavinof count Mansfield at the head of the government, he
conducted his troops ag-ainst the royal opponent, who alone
seemed fully worthy of coping with him.
The attention of all Europe was now fixed on the exciting
spectacle of a contest between these two greatest captains of
the age. The glory of success, the fruit of consummate skill,
was gained by Alexander : who, by an admirable manoeuvre,
got possession of the town of Lagny-sur-Seine, under the very
eyes of Henry and his whole army, and thus acquired the
means of providing Paris with every thing requisite for its
defence. The French monarch saw all his projects baffled,
and his hopes frustrated ; while his antagonist, having fully
completed his object, drew off his army through Champagne,
and made a fine retreat through an enemy's country, harassed
at every step, but with scarcely any loss.
But while this expedition added greatly to the renown of
the general, it considerably injured the cause of Spain in the
Low Countries. Prince Maurice, taking prompt advantage
of the absence of his great rival, had made himself master of sev-
eral fortresses ; and some Spanisii regiments having mutinied
agamst the commanders left behind by the duke of Parma,
others, encouraged by the impunity they enjoyed, were ready
on the slightest pretext to follow their example. Maurice
did not lose a single opportunity of profiting by circumstances
so favorable ; and even after the return of Alexander he seized
on Zutphen, Deventer, and Nmieguen, despite of all the ef-
forts of the Spanish army. The duke of Parma, daily breaking
down under the progress of disease, and agitated by these re-
verses, repaired again to Spa, taking at once every possible
means for the recruitment of his army and the recovery of
his health, on which its discipline and the chances of success
now so evidently depended.
But all his plans were again frustrated by a renewal of
Philip's peremptory orders to march once more into France,
to uphold the failing cause of the League against the intre-
pidity and talent of Henry IV. At this juncture the emperor
Rodolf again offered his mediation between Spain and the
United Provinces. But it was not likely that the confederated
States, at the very moment when their cause began to tri-
umph, and their commerce vras every day becommg more
and more flourishing, would consent to ma.ke any compromise
with the tyranny they were at length in a fair way of crush-
ing.
1592. DEATH or THE DUKJ; OF PARMA. 10/
The duke of Parma again appeared in France in the be-
ginning- of the year 1592 ; and, having formed his communi-
cations with the army of the League, marched to the relief
of the city of Rouen, at that period pressed to the last extrem-
ity by the Huguenot forces. After some sharp skirmishes —
and one in particular, in wliich Henry IV. suffered liis valor
to lead him into a too rash exposure of liis own and his army's
safety — a series of manoeuvres took place, which displayed
ilie talents of the rival generals in the most brilliant aspect.
Alexander at length succeeded in raising the siege of Rouen,
an:l made himself master of Condebec, which commanded
the navigation of the ^Seine. Henry, taking advantage of
\vhat appeared an irreparable fault on the part of the duke,
invested his ariTiy in the hazardous position he had chosen ;
but while believing that he had the whole of his enemies in
liis power, he found that Alexander had passed the Seine
v/ith his entire force — raising his military renown to the ut-
most possible height, by a retreat which it VvBs deemed ut-
terly impossible to effect.'-'
On his return to the Netherlands, tlie duke found himself
again under the necessity of repairing to Spa, in search of
some relief from the suffering, which was considerably in-
creased by the effects of a wound received in this last cam-
paign. In spite of his shattered constitution, he maintained
to the latest moment the most active endeavors for the re-
organization of his army; and he was preparing for a new ex-
pedition into France, when, fortunately for the good cause in
both countries, he was surprised by death on the 3d of De-
cember, 1592, at tlie abbey of St. Vaast, near Arras, at the
age of forty-seven years. As it w^as hard to imagine that
Pliilip would suffer any one who had excited his jealousy to
die a natural death, that of the duke of Parma was attributed
to slow poison,
Alexander of Parma was certainly one of the most re-
markable, and, it may be added, one of the greatest, charac-
ters of his day. Most historians have uplield him even higher
pcrliaps than he sliould be placed on the scale; asserting that
he can be reproached vrith very few of the vices of the ago
in which he lived. f Others consider this judgment too favora-
ble, and accuse him of participsition in all the crimes of
Philip, whom he served so zealously.]: His having excited
che jealousy of the tyrant, or even had he been put to death
by his orders, would little influence the question ; for Philip
was quite capable of ingratitude or murder, to either an ac-
* Browinjr. Tlist. of the Hiiffuenots. j Giotius. J Cerisier
A)S HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1592
complice or an opponent of liis baseness. But even allowing
that Alexander's fine qualities were sullied by his complicity
in these odious measures, we must still in justice admit that
they were too much in the spirit of the times, and particu-
larly of the school in which he was trained ; and while we
lament that his political or private faults place him on so
low a level, we must rank him as one of the very first mas-
ters in the art of war in his own or any other age.
CHAP. XIV.
1592—1599.
TO THE INDEPENDENCE OF BELGIUM AND THE DEATH OF PHILIP I,
The duke of Parma had chosen the count of Mansfield for
his successor, and the nomination was approved by the king".
He entered on his g-overnment under most disheartening- cir-
cumstances. The rapid conquests of prince Maurice in Bra-
bant and Flanders were scarcely less mortifying- than the
total disorganization into which those two provinces had fallen.
They were ravaged by bands of robbers called Picaroons,
whose audacity reached such a height, that they opposed in
large bodies the forces sent for their suppression by the gov-
ernment. They on one occasion killed the provost of Flanders,
and burned his lieutenant in a hollow tree ; and on another
they mutilated a W' hole troop of the national militia, and their
commander, with circumstances of most revolting cruelty.*
The authority of governor-general, though not the title,
was now fully shared by the count of Fuentes, who w^as sent
to Brussels by the king of Spain ; and the ill effects of this
double viceroyalty was soon seen, in the brilliant progress of
prince Maurice, and the continual reverses sustained by the
royalist armies. The king, still bent on projects of bigotry,
sacrificed without scruple men and treasure for the overthrow
of Henry IV. and the success of the League. The affairs of
the Netherlands seemed now a secondary object; and he
drew largely on his forces in that country for reinforcement
to the ranks of his tottering allies. A final blow was, how
ever, struck against the hopes of intolerance in France, and
to the existence of the League, by the conversion of Henry IV.
to the Catholic religion ; he deeming theological disputes
D'Ewpz.
1594. THE ARCHDUKE ERNEST. 109
wliich put the happiness of a whole kingdom in jeopardy, as
quite subordinate to the public good.*
Such was the prosperity of the United Provinces, that
they had been enabled to send a large supply, both of money
and men, to the aid of Henry, their constant and generous
ally. And notwithstanding this, their armies and fleets, so
far from suffering diminution, were augmented day by day.
Philip, resolved to summon up all his energy for the revival
of the war against the republic, now appointed the archduke
Ernest, brother of the emperor Rodolf, to the post which the
disunion of Mansfield and Fuentes rendered as embarrassing
as it had become inglorious. This prince, of a gentle and
conciliatory character, was received at Brussels with great
magnificence and general joy ; his presence reviving the
deep-felt hopes of peace entertained by the suffering people.
Such were also the cordial wishes of the prince ;f but more
than one design, formed at this period against the life of
prince Maurice, frustrated every expectation of the kind. A
priest of the province of Namur, namied Michael Renichon,
disguised as a soldier, was the new instrument meant to strike
anotlier blow at the greatness of the house of Nassau, in the
person of its gallant representative, prince Maurice ; as also
in that of liis brother, Frederic Henry, then ten years of age.
On the confession of the intended assassin, he was employed
by count Berlaimont to murder the two princes. Renichon
happily mismanaged the affair, and betrayed his intention.
He was arrested at Breda, conducted to the Hague, and there
tried and executed on the 3d of June, 1594.^ This miserable
wretch accused the archduke Ernest of having countenanced
his attempt ; but nothing whatever tends to criminate, while
every probability acquits, that prince of such a participation.
In this same year a soldier named Peter Dufour embarked
in a like atrocious plot. He, too, was seized and executed
before he could carry it into effect ; and to his dying hour
persisted m accusing tlie archduke of being his instigator.
But neither the judges who tried, nor the best historians who
record, his intended crime, gave any belief to this accusation.^
The mild and honorable disposition of the prince held a suffi-
cient guarantee against its likelihood ; and it is not less
pleasing to be able fully to join in the prevalent opinion, than
to mark a spirit of candor and impartiality break forth through
the mass of bad and violent passions which crowd the records
of that age.
But all the esteem inspired by the personal character of
* Hume. t Bentivoglio. J Lo P.'tit, liv. 7. c. 2. § Meteren.
170 HISTORY OF THE NJJTnERLAXUS. 1595.
Ernest conltl not overcome the repugnance of the Unites]
Provinces to trust to the apparent sincerity of the tyrant in
whose name he made his overtures for peace. They were all
respectfully and firmly rejected ; and prince Maurice, in the
mean time, with his usual activity, passed the Meuse and the
Rhine, and invested and quickly took the town of Gronino-en,
y which he consummated the estahlishment of the republic,
nd secured its rank among the principal powers of Europe.
The archduke Ernest, finding all his efforts for peace frus-
trated, and all hopes of gaining his object by hostility to be
vain, became a prey to disappointment and regret, and died,
from the effects of a slow fever, on the 21st of February,
1595 ; leaving to the count of Fuentes the honors and anxie-
ties of the government, subject to the ratification of tlie king.
This nobleman began the exercise of his temporary functions
by an irruption into France, at the head of a small army ;
war having been declared against Spain by Henry IV., who,
on liis side, had dispatched the admiral de Villars to attack
Philip's possessions in Hainault and Artois, This gallant
officer lost a battle and his life in the contest ; and Fuentes,
encouraged by the victory, took some frontier towns, and laid
siege to Cambray, the great object of his plans. The citi-
zens, who detested their governor, the marquis of Bologni, who
had for some time assumed an independent tyranny over them,
gave up the place to the besiegers ; and the citadel surren-
dered some days later."^ After this exploit Fuentes returned
to Brussels, where, notwithstanding his success, he was ex-
tremely unpopular. He had placed a part of his forces under
the command of Mondraofon, one of the oldest and cleverest
officers in the service of Spain. Some trifling affairs took
place in Brabant ; but the arrival of tlie archduke Albert,
whom the king had appointed to succeed his brother Ernest
in the office of governor-general, deprived Fuentes of any
furtlier opportunity of signalizing his talents for supreme
command. Albert arrived at Brussels on the 11th of Feb-
ruary, 1596, accompanied by the prince of Orange, who,
when count of Beuren, had been carried off from the uni-
\ersity of Louvain, twenty-eiglit years previously, and held
captive in Spain during- the whole of that period.f
Tlie archduke Albert, fifth son of the emperor Maximilian
II., and brother of Rodolf, stood high in the opinion of Philip
his uncle, and merited his reputation for talents, bravery, and
prudence. He had been early made archbishop of Toledo,
and afterwards cardinal ; but his profession was not that of
* Bentivoglio. t Meteren, liv. J3.
1597. THE ARCHDUKE ALBERT. 171
these nominal dignities. He was a warrior and politician
of considerable capacity ; and had for some years faithfully
served the king-, as viceroy of Portug-al. But Philip meant
him for the more independent situation of sovereign of the
Netherlands, and at the same time destined liim to be the
husband of his daughter Isabella. He now sent him, in the
capacity of governor-general, to prepare the way for the im
portant change ; at once to gain the good graces of the peo
pie, and soothe, by this removal from Philip's too close neigh
borhood, the jealousy of his son the hereditary prince of Spain.
Albert brought with him to Brussels a small reinforcement
for the army, with a large supply of money, more wanting
at this conjuncture than men. He highly praised the conduct
of Fuentes in the operations just finished ; and resolved to
continue the war on the same plan, but with forces much su-
perior.
He opened his first campaign early; and, by a display of
clever manoeuvring, which threatened an attempt to force
the French to raise the siege of I^a Fere, in the heart of Pi-
cardy, he concealed his real design — the capture of Calais ;
and he succeeded in its completion almost before it was sus-
pected. The Spanish and Walloon troops, led on by Rone,
a distinguished officer, carried the first defences : after nine
days of siege the place was forced to surrender ; and in a
few more the citadel followed the example. The archduke
soon after took the towns of Ardres and Hulst ; and by pru-
dently avoiding a battle, to which he was constantly provoked
by Henry IV., who commanded the French army in person,
he established his character for military talent of no ordinary
degree.
He at the same time made overtures of reconciliation to
the United Provinces, and hoped that the return of the prince
of Orange would be a means of effecting so desirable a pur-
pose. But the Dutch were not to be deceived by the apparent
sincerity of Spanish negotiation. They even doubted the
sentiments of the prince of Orange, w^hose attachments and
principles had been formed in so hated a school ; and nothing
nassed between them and him but mutual civilities. They
clearly evinced their disapprobation of his intended visit to
Holland ; and he consequently fixed his residence in Brussels,
passing his life in an inglorious neutrality.
A naval expedition formed in this year by the English and
Dutch against Cadiz, commanded by the earl of Essex, and
counts Eouis and William of Nassau, cousins of prince Mau-
rice, was crowned with brilliant success, and somewhat con-
soled the provinces for the contemporary exploits of the arch-
172 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1597.
duke.* But the following year opened with an affair, which
at once proved his unceasing activity, and added largely to
the reputation of his rival, prince Maurice. The former had
detached the count of Varas, with about 6000 men, for the
purpose of invadmg the province of Holland : but Maurice,
with equal energy and superior talent, followed his move-
ments ; came up with him near Turnhout, on the 24th of
January, 1597 ; and after a sharp action, of which the Dutch
cavalry bore the whole brunt, Varas was killed, and his troops
defeated with considerable loss.j
This was in its consequences a most disastrous affair to the
archduke. His army was disorganized, and his finances ex-
hausted ; while the confidence of the states in their troops
and their general was considerably raised. But the taking
of Amiens by Portocarrero, one of the most enterprising of
the Spanish captains, gave a new turn to the failing fortunes
of Albert. This gallant officer, whose greatness of mind,
according to some historians, was much disproportioned to
the smallness of his person,; gained possession of that im-
portant town by a well-conducted stratagem, and maintained
his conquest valiantly till he was killed in its defence. Henry
IV. made prodigious efforts to recover the place, the chief
bulwark on that side of France; and having forced Mon-
tenegro, the w^orthy successor of Portocarrero, to capitulate,
granted him and his garrison most honorable conditions.
Henry, having secured Amiens against any new attack,
returned to Paris, and made a triumphal entry into the city.
During this year prince JNIaurice took a number of towns
in rapid succession ; and the states, according to their cus-
tom, caused various medals, in gold, silver, and copper, to be
struck, to commemorate the victories which had signalized
their arms.§
Philip II., feeling himself approaching the termination of
his long and agitating career, now wholly occupied himself
in negotiations for peace with France. Henry IV. desired it
as anxiously. The pope, Clement VIII., encouraged by his
exliortations this mutual incluiation. The king of Poland
* Hume.
t This action may be taken as a fair sample of the difficulty with which
any estimate can be formed of the relative losses on such occasions. The
Dutch historiaiis state the loss of the royalists, in killed, at upwards of 2000.
Meteren, a good authority, says the peasants buried 2-250; while Bciitivosr.
lio, an Italian writer in the interest of Spain, makes the number e.\actly
half that amount. Grotius says that the loss of the Dutch was four men
killed. Bentivojrlio states it at 100. But, at either computation, it is clear
that the affair was a brilliant one on the part of prince Maurice.
t Grolius. De Thou. § DTwez.
1598. ALBERT AND ISABELLA. 173
sent ambassadors to the Hague and to London, to induce the
states and queen Elizabeth to become parties in a general
pacification. These overtures led to no conclusion ; but the
conferences between France and Spain went on with apparent
cordiality and great promptitude, and a peace was concluded
between these powers at Vervins, on the 2d of May, 1598.
Shortly after the^publication of this treaty, another iin
portant act was made known to the world, by which Philip
ceded to Albert and Isabella, on their being formally affianced
— a ceremony which now took place, — the sovereignty of
Burgundy and the Netherlands. This act bears date the 6th
of May, and was proclaimed with all the solemnity due to so
important a transaction. It contained thirteen articles ; and
was based on the misfortunes which the absence of the sov-
ereign had hitherto caused to the Low Countries. The Catho-
lic religion was declared that of the state, in its full integrity.
The provinces were guarantied against dismemberment.
The archdukes, by which title the joint sovereigns were de-
signated without any distmction of sex, were secured in the
possession, with right of succession to their children ; and a
provision was added, that in default of posterity their posses-
sions should revert to the Spanish crown.* The infanta Isa-
bella soon sent her procuration to the archduke, her affianced
husband, giving him full power and authority to take posses-
sion of the ceded dominions in her name as in his own ; and
Albert was inaugurated with great pomp at Brussels, on the
22d of August. Having put every thing in order for the
regulation of the government during his absence, he set out
for Spain, for the purpose of accomplishing his spousals, and
bringing back his bride to the chief seat of their joint power.
But before his departure he wrote to the various states of the
republic, and to prince Maurice himself, strongly recommend-
ing submission and reconciliation. These letters received
no answer ; a new plot against the life of prince Maurice, by
a wretched individual named Peter Pann, having aroused
the indignation of the country, and determined it to treat
with suspicion and contempt every insidious proposition from
the tyranny it defied. f
Albert placed his uncle, the cardinal Andrew of Austria,
at the head of the temporary government, and set out on his
journey; taking the little town of Halle in his route, and de-
posing at the altar of the Virgin, who is there held in par-
ticular honor, his cardinal's hat as a token of liis veneration.
He had not made much progress when he received accounts
*Grotius, Hist. lib. viii f D'Ewez.
174 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1599.
of the demise of Philip II., who died, after long suffering-,
and with great resignation, on the 13th of September, 1598,
at the age of seventy-two.* Albert was several months on
his journey through Germany ; and the ceremonials of his
union with the infanta did not take place till the 18th of
April, 1599, when it was finally solemnized in the city of
Valencia in Spain.
This transaction, by which the Netherlands were positive-
ly erected into a separate sovereignty, seems naturally to
make the limits of another epoch in their history. It com-
pletely decided the division between the northern and south-
ern provinces, which, although it had virtually taken place
long previous to this period, could scarcely be considered as
formally consummated until now. Here then we shall pause
anew, and take a rapid review of the social state of the Neth-
erlands during the last half century, which was beyond all
doubt the most important period of their history, from the
earliest times till the present.
It has been seen that when Charles V. resigned his throne
and the possession of his vast dominions to his son, arts, com-
merce, and manufactures had risen to a state of considerable
perfection throughout the Netherlands. The revolution, of
which we have traced the rise and progress, naturally pro-
duced to those provinces which relapsed into slavery a most
lamentable change in every branch of industry, and struck a
blow at the general prosperity, the effects of which are felt
to this very day. Arts, science, and literature were sure to
be checked and withered in the blaze of civil war ; and we
have now to mark the retrograde movements of most of those
charms and advantages of civilized life, in which Flanders
and the other southern states were so rich.
The rapid spread of enlightenment on religious subjects
soon converted the manufactories and workshops of Flanders
into so many conventicles of reform; and the clear-sighted
artisans fled in thousands from the tyranny of Alva into Eng-
land, Germany, and Holland, — those happier countries, where
the government adopted and went hand in hand with the
progress of rational belief Commerce followed the fate
of manufactures. The foreign merchants one by one aban-
doned the theatre of bigotry and persecution ; and even
Antwerp, which had succeeded Bruges as the great mart
of European traffic, was ruined by the horrible excesses
of the Spanish soldiery, and never recovered from the shock.
Its trade, its wealth, and its prosperity, were gradually trans-
* Watsoi
1599. PROGRESS OP COMMERCE. 175
ferrecl to Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and the towns of Holland
and Zealand ; and the growth of Dutch commerce attained
its proud maturity in the establishment of the India company
in 1596, the effects of which we shall have hereafter more
particularly to dwell on.
The exciting and romantic enterprises of the Portuo-uese
and Spanish navigators in the fifteenth and sixteenth centu
ries, roused all the ardor of other nations for those distant ad-
ventures ; and the people of the Netherlands were early
influenced by the general spirit of Europe. If they were not
the discoverers of new worlds, they were certainly the first
to make the name of European respected and venerated by
the natives.
Animated by the ardor which springs from the spirit of
freedom and the enthusiasm of success, the United Provinces
labored for the discovery of new outlets for their commerce
and navigation. Tlie government encouraged the specula-
tions of individuals, which promised fresh and fertile sources
of revenue, so necessary for the maintenance of the war.*
Until the year 1581 the merchants of Holland and Zealand
were satisfied to find the productions of India at Lisbon,
which was the mart of that branch of trade ever since the
Portuguese discovered the passage by the Cape of Good
Hope. But Philip II., having conquered Portugal, excluded
the United Provinces from the ports of that country ; and
their enterprising mariners were from that period driven to
those efforts which rapidly led to private fortune and general
prosperity. The English had opened the way in this career ;
and the states-general having offered a large reward for the
discovery of a north-west passage, frequent and most adven-
turous voyages took place. Houtman, Le Maire, Heemskirk,
Ryp, and others, became celebrated for their enterprise, and
some for their perilous and interesting adventures.
The United Provinces were soon without any rival on the
seas. In Europe alone they had 1*200 merchant-ships in ac-
tivity, and upvv^ards of 70,000 sailors constantly employed.f
They built annually 2000 vessels. In the year 1598, eighty
ships sailed from their ports for the Indies or America. They
carried on, besides, an extensive trade on the coast of Guinea,
whence they brought large quantities of gcld-dust; and
found, in short, in all quarters of the globe the reward of
their skill, industry, and courage.
The spirit of conquest soon became grafted on the habits
of trade. Expedition succeeded to expedition. Failure taught
* Grotius, Hist. viii. 0G9, &c. t Grot. iv. 131.
176 HISTOHY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1599.
wisdom to those who did not want bravery. The random
efforts of individuals were succeeded by organized plans, un-
der associations well constituted and wealthy ; and these
soon gave birth to those eastern and western companies be-
fore alluded to. The disputes between the English and the
Hanseatic towns were carefully observed by the Dutch, and
turned to their own advantage. The English manufacturers,
who quickly began to flourish, from the influx of Flemish
workmen under the encouragement of Elizabeth, formed
companies in the Netherlands, and sent their cloths into those
very towns of Germany which formerly possessed the exclu-
sive privilege of their manufacture.* These towns naturally
felt dissatisfied, and their complaints were encouraged by the
king of Spain. The English adventurers received orders to
quit the empire; and, invited by the states-general, many of
them fixed their residence in Middleburg, which became
the most celebrated woollen market in Europe.
The establishment of the Jews in the towns of the republic
forms a remarkable epoch in the annals of trade. This peo-
ple, so outraged by the lothesome bigotry which Christians
have not blushed to call religion, so far from being depressed
by the general persecution, seemed to find it a fresh stimulus
to the exertion of their industry. To escape death in Spain
and Portugal they took refuge in Holland, where toleration
encouraged, and just principles of state maintained them.
They were at first taken for Catholics, and subjected to sus-
picion ; but when their real faith was understood, they were
no longer molested.
Astronomy and geography, two sciences so closely allied
with and so essential to navigation, flourished now through-
out Europe. Ortilius of Antwerp, and Gerard IMercator of
Rupelmonde, were two of the greatest geographers of the
sixteenth century ; and the reform in the calendar at the end
of that period gave stability to the calculations of time, which
had previously suffered ail the inconvenient fluctuations at-
tendant on the old style.
Literature had assumed during the revolution in the Neth-
erlands the almost exclusive and repulsive aspect of contro-
versial learning. The university of Douay, installed in 1562
as a new screen against the piercing light of reform, quickly
became the strong-hold of intolerance. That of Leyden, es-
tablished by the efforts of the prince of Orange, soon after
the famous siege of that town in 1574, was on a less exclusive
plan — its profcsrors being in the first instance dra^^■Il from
Meteren, liv. 19.
1599. CRUELTIES OF MEIVDOZA. 177
Germany.* Many Flemish historians succeeded in this cen-
tury to the ancient and uncultivated chroniclers of preceding
times ; the civil wars dm win<x forth many writers, who re-
corded what they witnessed, but often in a spirit of partisan-
ship and want of candor, which seriously embarrasses him
who desires to learn the truth on both sides of an hnportant
question. Poetry declined and drooped in these times of tu-
mult and suffering- ; and the chambers of rhetoric, to which
its cultivation had been chiefly due, gradually lost their in-
fluence, and finally ceased to exist.
In fixing- our attention on the republic of the United Prov-
inces during- the epoch now completed, we feel the desire,
and lament the impossibility, of entering on the details of
government in that most remarkable state. For these we
must refer to what appears to us the best authority for clear
and ample information on the prerogative of the stadtholder,
the constitution of the states-general, the privileges of the
tribunals and local assemblies, and other points of moment
concerning the principles of the Belgic confederation.f
CHAP. XV.
1599—1604.
TO THE CAMPAIGN OF PRINCE MAURICE AND SPINOLA
Previous to his departure for Spain, the archduke Albert
had placed the government of the provinces which acknow-
ledged his domination in the hands of his uncle, the cardinal
Andrew of Austria, leaving in command of the army Fran-
cisco Mendoza, admiral of Aragon. The troops at his dispo-
sal amounted to 22,000 fighting men, — a formidable force,
and enough to justify the serious apprehensions of the re-
public. Albert, whose finances were exhausted by payments
made to the numerous Spanish and Italian mutineers, had
left orders with Mendoza to secure some place on the Rhine,
which might open a passage for free quarters in the enemy's
country. But this unprincipled officer forced his way into
the neutral districts of Cleves and Westphalia; and with a
body of executioners ready to hang up all who miglit resist,
and of priests to prepare them for death, he carried such ter-
* De Smet. f Seo Cerisier, Tfis't. Goii. de« Prov. Unipf!, t. iv,
12
178 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1599.
ror on his march that no opposition was ventured.* The atro-
cious cruelties of Mendoza and liis troops baffle all descrip-
tion : on one occasion they murdered, in cold blood, the count
of Walkenstein, who surrendered his castle on the express
condition of his freedom ; and they committed every possible
excess that may be imag-ined of ferocious soldiery encouraged
by a base commander.f
Prince Maurice soon put into motion, to oppose this army
of brigands, his small disposable force of about 7000 men.
With these, however, and a succession of masterly manceu-
vres, he contrived to preserve the republic from invasion, and
to paralyze and almost destroy an army three times superior
in numbers to his own.l The horrors committed by the Span-
iards, in the midst of peace, and without the slightest provo-
cation, could not fail to excite the utmost indignation in a na-
tion so fond of liberty and so proud as Germany. The duchy
of Cleves felt particularly aggrieved ; and Sybilla, the sister
of the duke, a real heroine in a glorious cause, so worked on
the excited passions of the people by her eloquence and her
tears, that she persuaded all the orders of the state to unite
against the odious enemy. Some troops were suddenly raised ;
and a league was formed between several princes of the em-
pire to revenge the common cause. The count de la Lippc
was chosen general of their united forces ; and the choice
could not have fallen on one more certainly incapable, or more
probably treacherous. ^
The German army, with their usual want of activity, did
not open the campaign till the month of June. It consisted
of 14,000 men; and never was an army so badly conducted.!!
Without money, artillery, provisions, or disciplme, it was at
any moment ready to break up and abandon its incompetent
general : and on the very first encounter with the enemy, and
after a loss of a couple of hundred men, it became self-dis-
banded ; and, flying in every direction, not a single man could
be rallied to clear away this disgrace.
The states-general, cruelly disappointed at this result of
measures, from which they had looked for so important a di-
version in their favor, now resolved on a vigorous exertion of
their own energies, and determined to undertake a naval ex-
pedition of a mag-nitude greater than any they had hitherto
attempted. The force of public opinion was at this period
more powerful than it had ever yet been in the United Prov-
inces: for a great number of the inhabitants, v.-ho, during the
* Reiil, XV. 4-27. t Meteien, liv. xxi. t Cerisier.
§Ibid. IjDeTh'ou, liv. 122.
1600. ARRIVAL OP THE ARCHDUKES. 179
life of Philip II., conscientiously believed that they could not
lawfully abjure the authority once recognized and sworn to,
became now liberated from those respectable although ab-
surd scruples ; and the death of one unfeeling despot gave
thousands of new citizens to the state.
A fleet of seventy-three vessels, carrying 8000 men, was
soon equipped, under the order of admiral Vander Goes; and
after a series of attempts on the coasts of Spain, Portugal,
Africa, and the Canary isles, this expedition, from which the
most splendid results were expected, was sliattered, dispersed,
and reduced to nothing, by a succession of unheard-of mis-
haps.
To these disappointments were now added domestic dis-
sensions in the republic, in consequence of the new taxes
absolutely necessary for the exigencies of the state. The
conduct of queen Elizabeth greatly added to the general em-
barrassment : she called for the payment of her former loans ;
insisted on the recall of the English troops; and declared her
resolution to make peace with Spain.* Several German
princes promised aid in men and money, but never furnished
either ; and in this most critical juncture, Henry IV. was the
only foreign sovereign who did not abandon the republic. He
sent them 1000 Swiss troops, whom he had in his pay ; al-
lowed them to levy 3000 more in France ; and gave them a
loan of 200,000 crowns, — a very convenient supply in their
exhausted state.
The archdukes Albert and Isabella arrived in the Nether-
lands in September, and made their entrance into Brussels
with unexampled magnificence. They soon found them-
selves in a situation quite as critical as was that of the United
Provinces, and both parties displayed immense energy to
remedy their mutual embarrassments. The winter was ex-
tremely rigorous ; so much so, as to allow of military opera-
tions being undertaken on the ice. Prince Maurice soon
commenced a Christmas campaign by taking the town of
Wachtendenck ; and he followed up his success by obtaining
possession of the important forts of CrevecoBur and St. An-
dre vv, in the island of Bommel. A most dangerous mutiny
at the same time broke out in the army of tiic archdukes ;
and Albert seemed left without troops or money, at the very
beginning of Iiis sovereignty.
But these successes of prince Maurice were only the pre-
lude to an expedition of infinitely more moment, arranged
with the utmost secrecy, and executed with an energy scarcely
180 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1600.
to be looked for from tJie situation of the states. This was
nothing- less than an invasion poured into the very heart of
Flanders, thus putting- the archdukes on the defence of their
own most vital possessions, and changing completely the
whole character of the war.* The whole disposable troops
of the republic, amounting- to about 17,000 men, were secretly
assembled in the island of Walcheren, in the month of June;
and setting sail for Flanders, they disembarked near Ghent,
and arrived on the 20tli of that month under the walls of
Bruges. Some previous negotiations with that town had led
the prince to expect that it would have opened its gates at
his approach. In this he was, liowever, disappointed ; and
after taking possession of some forts in the neighborhood, he
continued his march to Nieuport, which place he invested on
the 1st of July.
At the news of this invasion the archdukes, though taken
by surprise, displayed a promptness and decision that proved
them worthy of the sovereignty w^hich seemed at stake. With
incredible activity they mustered, in a few days, an army of
12,000 men, w^hich they passed in review near Ghent. On
this occasion Isabella, proving her title to a place among those
heroic women w^ith whom the age abounded, rode through
the royalist ranks, and harangued them in a style of inspiring
eloquence that inflamed their courage and secured their fidel-
ity. Albert, seizing the moment of this excitement, put him-
self at their head, and marched to seek the enemy, leaving his
intrepid wife at Bruges, the nearest town to the scene of the
action he was resolved on. He gained possession of all the
forts taken and garrisoned by Maurice a few days before ; and
pushing forward with his apparently irresistible troops, he
came up on the morning of the 2d of July with a large body
of those of the states, consisting of about 3000 men, sent for-
ward under the command of count Ernest of Nassau to recon-
noitre and judge of the extent of this most unexpected move-
ment : for prince Maurice was, in his turn, completely sur-
prised ; and not merely by one of those manoeuvres of war by
v/hich the best generals are sometimes deceived, but by an
exertion of political vigor and capacity of which history offers
few more striking examples. Such a circumstance, however
served only to draw forth a fresh display of those uncommon
talents, which in so many various accidents of war had placed
Maurice on the highest rank for military talent. The detach
ment under count Ernest of Nassau was chiefly composed of
Scottish infantry ; and this small force stood firmly opposed to
*Grot. viii.3=«7, &c.
1600. DEFEAT OF TIIE ROYALISTS. 181
the impetuous attack of tlie whole royalist army — thus giving
time to the main body under the prince to take up a position,
and form in order of battle. Count P>nest was at length
driven back, with the loss of 800 men killed, almost all Scot-
tish ; and being' cut off from the rest of the army, was forced
to take refuge in Ostend, which town was in possession of
the troops of the states.
The army of Albert now marched on, flushed with this first
success and confident of final victory. Prince Maurice re-
ceived them with the courage of a gallant soldier and the pre-
caution of a consummate general. He liad caused the fleet
of ships of war and transports, which had sailed along the
coast from Zealand, and landed supplies of ammunition and
provisions, to retire far from the shore, so as to leave to his
army no chance of escape but in victory. Tlie commissioners
from the states, who always accompanied the prince as a
council of observation rather than of war, had retired to Os-
tend in great consternation, to wait the issue of the battle
which now seemed inevitable. A scene of deep feeling and
heroism was the next episode of this memorable day, and
throws the cliarm of natural affection over those circumstances
in which glory too seldom leaves a place for the softer emo-
tions of the lieart. When the patriot army was in its position,
and firmly waiting the advance of the foe, prince Maurice
turned to his brother, Frederick Henry, then sixteen years of
age, and several young noblemen, English, French, and Ger-
man, who like him attended on the great captain to learn the
art of war : he pointed out in a few words the perilous situa-
tion in which he was placed ; declared his resolution to con-
quer or perish on tlie battle-field ; and recommended the boy-
ish band to retire to Ostend, and wait for some less desperate
occasion, to share his renown or revenge his fall. Frederick
Henry spurned the affectionate suggestion, and swore to stand
by his brother to the last; and all his young companions
adopted the same generous resolution.
The army of tlie states was placed in order of battle, about
a league in front of Nieuport, in the sand-hills with wliich the
neighborhood abounds, its left wing resting* on the sea-shore.
Its losses of the morning, and of the garrison left in the forts
near Bruges, reduced it to an almost exact equality with that
of the arcliduke. Eacli of these armies was composed of that
variety of troops whicli made tliem respectively an epitome
of the various nali(ms of Europe. The patriot force contained
Dutch, English, French, Gorman, and Swiss, under tlie or-
ders of count Louis of Nassau, Sir Francis and Sir Horace
Vere, brothers and English officers of great celebritv, witl^
182 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1600.
Other (listinguished captains. The arcliduke mustered Span-
iards, Italians, Walloons, and Irish in his ranks, led on by
Mendoza, La Berlotta, and their fellow-veterans. Botli armies
were in the highest state of discipline, trained to war by long"
service, and enthusiastic in the several causes which they
served ; the two highest principles of enthusiasm urging them
on — religious fanaticism on the one hand, and the love of free-
dom on Ihe other. The rival generals rode along their re-
spective lines, addressed a few brief sentences of encourage-
ment to their men, and presently the bloody contest began.
It was three o'clock in the afternoon when the archduke
commenced the attack. His advanced guard, commanded by
Mendoza and composed of those former mutineers who now
resolved to atone for their misconduct, marched across the
sand-hills with desperate resolution. They soon came into
contact with the English contingent under Francis Vere, who
was desperately wounded in the shock. The assault was al-
most irresistible. The English, borne down by numbers, were
forced to give way ; but the main body pressed on to their
support. Horace Vere stepped forward to supply his brother's
place. Not an inch of ground more was gained or lost ; the
firing ceased, and pikes and swords crossed each other in the
resolute conflict of man to man. The action became general
along the whole line. The two commanders-in-chief were at
all points. Nothing could exceed their mutual display of skill
and courage. At length the Spanish cavalry, broken by the
well-directed fire of Ihe patriot artillery, fell back on their
infantry and threw it into confusion. The archduke at the
some instant was wounded by a lance in the cheek, unhorsed,
and forced to quit the field. The report of his death, and the
sight of his war-steed galloping alone across the field, spread
alarm through the royalist ranks. Prince Maurice saw and
seized on the critical moment. He who had so patiently
maintained his position for three hours of desperate conflict,
now knew the crisis for a prompt and general advance. He
gave the word and led on to the charge, and the victory was
at once his own.*
The defeat of the royalist army was complete. The whole
of the artillery, baggage, standards, and ammunition, fell into
the possession of the conquerors. Night coming on saved
those who fled, and tlie nature of the ground prevented the
cavalry from consummating the destruction of the whole. As
far as the conflicting accounts of the various historians may
be compared and calculated on, the royalists had 3000 killed,
* Bentivoglio, VanUeivynct, &c.
1600. CONTINUANCE OP ffOSTILITIES. 183
and amon<T them several officers of rank ; while the patriot
army, including- those who fell in the mornino- action, lost
somethin^^ more than half the number. Tiie archduke, fur-
nished with a fresh liorse, gained Brug-cs in safety ; but he
only waited there long- enough to join his heroic wife, with
whom he proceeded rapidly to Ghent, and thence to Brussels.
JJendoza was wounded and taken prisoner, and with difficulty
saved by prince Maurice from tlie fury of the German auxilia-
ries.
The moral effects produced by this victory on the vanquish-
ers and vanquished, and on the state of public opinion through-
out Europe, was immense ; but its immediate consequences
were incredibly trifling. Not one result in a military point
of view followed an event which appeared almost decisive of
the war. Nieuport was again invested three days after the
battle ; but a strong reinforcement entering the place saved it
from all danger, and jNIauricc found himself forced for want of
supplies to abandon the scene of his greatest exploit. He re-
turned to Holland, welcomed by the acclamations of his grate-
ful country, and exciting the jealousy and hatred of all who
envied his glory or feared his power. Among the sincere and
conscientious republicans who saw danger to the public lib-
erty in the growing influence of a successful soldier, placed
at the liead of affairs and endeared to the people by every
liereditary and personal claim, was Olden Barneveldt Ihe pen-
sionary ; and from this period may be traced the growth of
the mutual antipathy which led to the sacrifice of the most
virtuous statesman of Holland, and the eternal disgrace of its
hitherto heroic chief.
The states of the Catholic provinces assembled at Brus-
sels now gave the archdukes to understand that nothing but
peace could satisfy their wishes or save the country from ex-
haustion and ruin. Albert saw the reasonableness of their
remonstrances, and attempted to carry the great object into
effect. The states-general listened to his proposals. Com-
missioners were appointed on both sides to treat of terms.
They met at Bergen-op-Zoom ; but their conferences were
broken up almost as soon as commenced. The Spanish depu-
ties insisted on the submission of the republic to its ancient
masters. Such a proposal was worse than insulting : it proved
the inveterate insincerity of those with whom it originated,
and who knew it could not be entertained for a moment. Pre-
pa rations for hostilities w"ere therefore commenced on both
sides, and the whole of the winter was thus employed.
Early in the spring prince Maurice opened the campaign
at the iicad of 16,000 men, chiefly composed of English and
184 HISTORY OF 'DIE ^'1:T1IKULA]\DS. lt)02.
French, who seemed throur^hout the contest to forget their
national animosities, and to know no rivalry but that of emu-
lation in the cause of liberty. Tlie town of Rhinberg soon
fell into the hands of the prince. His next attempt was
against Bois-le-duc ; and the siege of this place was signalized
by an event that flavored of the chivalric contests now going
out of fashion. A Norman gentlempai of the name of Breaute,
in the service of prince Maurice, challenged the royalist gar-
rison to meet him and twenty of liis comrades in arms under
the walls of the place. The cartel was accepted by a Flem-
ing named Abramzoom, but better known by the epithet
Leckerbeetje (savory bit,) who, with twenty more, met Breaute
and his friends. The combat was desperate. The Flemish
champion was killed at the first shock by his Norman chal-
lenger : but the latter falling into the hands of the enemy,
they treacherously and cruelly put him to death, in violation
of the strict conditions of the fight. Prince Maurice was
forced to raise the siege of Bois-le-duc, and turn his attention
in another direction.*
The archduke x\lbert had novv^ resolved to invest Ostend, a
place of great importance to the United Provinces, but little
worth to either party in comparison with the dreadful waste
of treasure and human life whicb was the consequence of its
memorable siege. Sir Francis Vere commanded in the place
at the period of its final investment ; but governors, garrisons,
and besieging forces, were renewed and replaced with a
rapidity which gives one of the most frightful instances of
the ravages of war. The siege of Ostend lasted upwards of
three years. It became a school for the young nobility of all
Europe, who repaired to either one or tht; other party to learn
the principles and the practice of attack and defence. Every
thing that the art of strategy could devise was resorted to
on either side. The slaughter in the various assaults, sorties,
and bombardments, was enormous. Squadrons at sea gave a
double interest to the land operations; and the celebrated
brothers Frederick and Ambrose Spinola founded their repu-
tation on these opposing elements. Frederick was killed in
one of the naval combats with the Dutch galleys, and the
fame of reducing Ostend was reserved for Ambrose. This
afterwards celebrated general had undertaken the command
at the earnest entreaties of the archduke and the king of
Spain, and by the firmness and vigor of his measures he re-
vived the courage of the worn-out assailants of the place.
Redoubled attacks and multiplied mines at length reduced
* D'Ewez.
1604. DEATH or aUEEN ELIZABETH. 185
the town to a mere mass of ruin, and scarcely Icll its still
undaunted garrison sufficient footing- on which to prolong
their desperate defence. Ostend at length surrendered, on
the 22d of September, 1604, and the victors marched in over
its crumbled walls and shattered batteries. Scarcely a vestige
of the place remained beyond those terrible evidences of
destruction. Its ditches filled up with the rubbish of ramparts
bastions, and redoubts, left no distinct line of separation be-
tween the operations of its attack and its defence. It re-
sembled rather a vast sepulchre than a ruined town, a moun-
tain of earth and rubbish, without a single house in which
the wretched remnant of the inhabitants could hide their
heads — a monument of desolation on which victory might
have sat and wept.
During the progress of this m.emorable siege queen Eliza-
beth of England had died, after a long and, it must be pro-
nounced, a glorious reign ; though the glory belongs rather
to the nation than to the monarch, whose memory is marked
with indelible stains of private cruelty, as in the cases of
Essex and Mary queen of Scots, and of public wrongs, as in
that of her whole system of tyranny in Ireland. With re-
spect to the United Provinces she was a harsh protectress
and a capricious ally. She in turns advised them to remain
faithful to the old impurities of religion and to their intolera-
ble king ; refused to incor]Dorate them with her own states ;
and then used her best efforts for subjecting them to her
sway. She seemed to take pleasure in the uncertainty to
which she reduced them, by constant demands for payment
of her loans, and threats of making peace with Spain. Thus
the states-general were not much affected by the news of her
death : and so rejoiced were they at the accession of James I.
to the throne of England, that all the bells of Holland rang
out merry peals; bonfires were set blazing all over the
country ; a letter of congratulation was dispatched to the
new monarch ; and it was speedily followed by a solemn em-
bassy, composed of prince Frederick Henry, the grand pen-
sionary De Barneveldt, and others of the first dignitaries of
the republic* These ambassadors were grievously disap-
pointed at the reception given to them by James, who treated
them as little better than rebels to their lawful king. But
this first dis|>osition to contempt and insult was soon overcome
by the united talents of Barneveldt and the great duke of
Sully, who were at the same period ambassadors from France
at the English court. The result of the negotiations was an
* Cerisier, vol. iv. p. 495.
186 JflSTORY or THE ISKTIIERLANDS. 1605.
nf^reement between those two powers to take the repiiMic
under their protection, and use their best efforts for obtaining;
the recognition of its independence by Spain.*
The states-general considered themselves amply recom-
pensed for the loss of Ostend, by the taking- of Ecluse, Rhyn-
berg, and Grave, all of which had in the interval surrendered
to prince Maurice ; but they were seriously alarmed on find-
ing themselves abandoned by king James, who concluded a
separate peace with Philip III. of Spain in the month of
August this year.f
This event gives rise to a question very important to the
honor of James, and consequently to England itself, as the
acts of the absolute monarchs of those days must be con-
sidered as those of the nations which submitted to such a form
of government. Historians of great authorityt have asserted
that it appeared that, by a secret agreement, the king had ex-
pressly reserved the power of sending assistance to Holland.
Others deny the existence of this secret article ; and lean
heavily on the reputation of James for his conduct in the
transaction. 5 It must be considered a very doubtful point,
and is to be judged rather by subsequent events than by any
direct testimony.
The two monarchs stipulated in the treaty that " neither
was to give support of any kind to the revolted subjects of
the other." It is nevertheless true that James did not with-
draw his troops from the service of the states ; but he au-
thorized the Spaniards to levy soldiers in England. The
United Provinces were at once afflicted and indignant at this
equivocal conduct. Their first impulse was to deprive the
English of the liberty of navigating the Scheldt. They even
arrested the progress of several of their merchant-ships. But
soon after, gratified at finding that James received their
deputy with the title of am_bassador, they resolved to dissimu-
late their resentment.
Prince Maurice and Spinola now took the field with their
respective armies; and a rapid series of operations placing
them in direct contact, displayed their talents in the most
striking points of view. The first steps on the part of the
prince were a new invasion of Flanders, and an attempt on
Antwerp, which he hoped to carry before the Spanish army
could arrive to its succor. But the promptitude and sagacity
of Spinola defeated this plan, which Maurice was obliged to
abandon after some loss ; while tlie royalist general resolved
* Hume, vol. iv. p. 7. t Meteren.
I Hume, vol. vi. p. 28. Rapin, t. vii. p. 3P. § Cerisier, t. iv. pp. 516, 517.
1005. NAVAL OPERATIONS. 187
to sig-nalize himself by pome important movement, and, ere
his desig-n was suspected, he had penetrated into the province
of Overyssel, and thus retorted his rival's favorite measure
of carrying- tlie war into the enemy's country. Several towns
were rapidly reduced ; but Maurice flew towards the threat-
ened provinces, and l3y his active measures forced Spinola
to fall back on tlie Rhine and take up a position near Roe-
roord,* where he was impetuously attacked by the Dutch
army. But the cavalry having- followed up too slowly the
orders of Maurice, his hope of surprising the royalists was
frustrated ; and the Spanish forces, gaining- time by this hesi-
tation, soon clianged the fortune of the day. The Dutch
cavalry shamefully took to flight, despite the gallant endeavors
of both Maurice and his brother Frederick Henry ; and at
this juncture a large reinforcement of Spaniards arrived un-
der the command of Velasco. Maurice now brought forward
some companies of English and French infantry under Hora-
tio Vere and D'Omerville, also a distinguished officer. The
battle was again fiercely renewed ; and the Spaniards now
g"ave way, and had been completely defeated, had not Spinola
put in practice an old and g-enerally successful stratagem.
He caused almost all the drums of his army to beat in one
direction, so as to g'ive the impression that a still larger rein-
forcement was approaching-. Maurice, apprehensive that the
former panic might find a parallel in a fresh one, prudently
ordered a retreat, which he was able to effect in g-ood order,
in preference to risking the total disorganization of his troops.
The loss on each side was nearly the same ; but the glory of
this hard-fought day remained on the side of Spinola, who
proved himself a worthy successor of the great duke of Parma,
and an antagonist with wliom IMaurice might contend with-
out dishonor.!
The naval transactions of this year restored the balance
which Spinola's successes had begun to turn in favor of the
royalist cause. A squadron of ships, commanded by Hautain
admiral of Zealand, attacked a superior force of Spanish ves-
sels close to Dover, and defeated them with considerable
loss. But the victory was sullied by an act of g-reat barbari-
ty. All the soldiers found on board the captured ships were
tied two and two, and mercilessly flung into the sea. Some
contrived to extricate themselves, and gained the shore by
swimming-; others were picked up by the English boats,
whose crews witnessed the scene and hastened to their relief.
The generous British seamen could not remain neuter in
* Grotius, lib. xiv. t Grotius, Hist. lib. xiv.
188 HISTOKY OF THE JsETILERLANDS. 1605.
such a moment, nor repress their indignation ag-ainst thosr;
whom they had hitherto so long considered as friends. Tfie
Dutch vessels pursuing tliose of Spain whicli fled into Dover
harbor, were fired on by the cannon of the castle and forced
to give up the chase. The English loudly complained that
the Dutch had on this occasion violated their territory ; and
this transaction laid the foundation of the quarrel which subse-
quently broke out between England and the republic, and
which the jealousies of rival merchants in either state un-
ceasingly fomented. In this year also the Dutch succeeded
in capturing the chief of the Dunkirk privateers, which had
so long annoyed their trade ; and they cruelly ordered sixty
of the prisoners to be put to death. But the people, more
humane than the authorities, rescued them from the execu-
tioners and set them free.*
But these domestic instances of success and inhumanity
were trifling, in comparison with the splendid train of distant
events, accompanied by a course of wholesale benevolence
that redeemed the traits of petty guilt. The maritime enter-
prises of Holland, forced by the imprudent policy of Spain to
seek a wider career than in the narrow seas of Europe, were
day by day extended in the Indies. To ruin if possible their
increasing trade, Philip III. sent out the admiral Hurtado,
with a fleet of eight galleons and thirty-two galleys. The
Dutch squadron of five vessels, commanded by Wolfert Her-
manszoon, attacked them off the coast of Malabar, and his
temerity was crowned with great success. He took two of
their vessels, and completely drove the remainder from the
Indian seas. He then concluded a treaty with the natives
of the isle of Banda, by which he promised to support them
against the Spaniards and Portuguese, on condition that they
were to give his fellow-countrymen the exclusive privilege
of purchasing the spices of the island. This treaty was the
foundation of the influence which the Dutch so soon succeed-
ed in forming in the East Indies; and they established it by
a candid, miFd, and tolerant conduct, strongly contrasted with
the pride and bigotry which had signalized every act of the
Portuguese and Spaniards.
The prodigious success of the Indian trade occasioned
numerous societies to be formed all through the republic.
But by their great number they became at length injurious
to each other. The spirit of speculation was pushed too far;
and the merchants, who paid enormous prices for India goods,
found themselves forced to sell in Europe at a loss. Many
1606. PRINCE MAURICE AND SPINOLA. 189
of those societies were too weak, in military force as well as
in capital, to resist the armed competition of the Spaniards,
and to support themselves in their disputes with the native
princes. At length the states-general resolved to unite the
whole of these scattered partnerships into one grand company,
which was soon organized on a solid basis, that led ere-long
to incredible wealth at home, and a rapid succession of con-
quests in the East*
CHAP. XVI.
1606—1619.
TO THE SYNOD AT DORT AND THE EXECUTION OF BARNEVELDT.
The states-general now resolved to confine their military
operations to a war merely defensive. Spinola had, by his
conduct during the late campaign, completely revived the
spirits of the Spanish troops, and excited at least the caution
of the Dutch. He now threatened the United Provinces with
invasion ; and he exerted his utmost efforts to raise the sup-
plies necessary for the execution of his plan. He not only
exhausted the resources of the king of Spain and th^ arch-
duke, but obtained money on his private account from all
those usurers who were tempted by his confident anticipa-
tions of conquest. He soon equipped two armies of about
12,000 men each. At the head of one of those he took the
field ; the other, commanded by the count of Bucquoi, was
destined to join him in the neighborhood of Utrecht; and he
was then resolved to push forward with the whole united
force into the very heart of the republic.
Prince Maurice in the mean time concentrated his army,
amounting to 12,000 men, and prepared to make head against
his formidable opponents. By a succession of the most pru-
dent manceuvres he contrived to keep Spmola in check, dis-
concerted all his projects, and forced him to content himself
with the capture of two or three towns — a comparatively in-
significant conquest. Desiring to wipe away the disgrace
of this discomfiture, and to risk every thing for the accom
plishment of his grand design, Spinola used every method to
provoke the prince to a battle, even though a serious mutiny
among his troops, and the impossibility of forming a junction
with Bucquoi, had reduced his force below that of Maurice ;
* Richesse de la Hollande, t. i. p. IGl, &c.
190 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1607.
but the latter, to the surprise of all who expected a decisive
blow, retreated from before the Italian general — abandoning
Ihe town of Groll, which immediately fell into Spinola's
power, and g"ivino- rise to manifold conjectures and infinite
discontent at conduct so little in unison with his wonted en-
terprise and skill. Even Henry IV. acknowledged it did not
answer the expectation he liad formed from Maurice's splen-
did talents for war.* The fact seems to be, that the prince,
much as he valued victory, dreaded peace more ; and that he
was resolved to avoid a decisive blow, which, in putting an
end to the contest, would at the same time have decreased
the individual influence in the state, which his ambition now
urged him to augment by every possible means.
The Dutch naval expeditions this year were not more bril-
liant than those on land. Admiral Ilautain, with twenty
ships, was surprised off Cape St. Vincent by the Spanish
fleet. The formidable appearance of their galleons inspired
on this occasion a perfect panic among the Dutch sailors.
They hoisted their sails and fled, with the exception of one
ship, commanded by vice-admiral Klaazoon, whose desperate
conduct saved the national honor. Having held out until his
vessel was quite unmanageable, and almost his whole crew
killed or wounded, he prevailed on the rest to agree to the
resolution he had formed, knelt down on the deck, and puttmg
up a brief prayer for pardon for the act, thrust a light into
the powder-magazine, and was instantly blown up with his
companions. Only two men were snatched from the sea by
the Spaniards ; and even tliese, dreadfully burnt and man-
gled, died in the utterance of curses on the enemy. f
This disastrous occurrence was soon, how^ever, forgotten
in the rejoicings for a brilliant victory gained the following
year by Heemskirk, so celebrated for his voyage to Nova
Zembla, and by his conduct in the East. He set sail from
the ports of Holland in the month of March, determined to
signalize himself by some great exploit, now necessary to re-
deem the disgrace which had begun to sidly the reputation
of the Dutch navy. He soon got intelligence that the Spanish
fleet lay at anchor in the bay of Gibraltar, and he speedily
prepared to offer them battle. Before the combat began he
held a council of war, and addressed the officers in an ener-
getic speech, in which he displayed the imperative call on
their valor to conquer or die in the approaching conflict. He
led on to the action in his own sliip ; and, to the astonishment
of both fleets, he bore right down against the enormous gal-
Sijllys Mem. t. iii t Cerisier.
1607. NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE. 191
leon in which the flacf of the Spanish admiral in chief was
hoisted. D'Avila could scarcely believe the evidence of his
eyes at this audacity : he at first burst into laughter at the
notion ; but as Ileeniskirk approached, he cut his cables and
attempted to escape under the shelter of the town. The
heroic Dutclnnan pursued him through the whole of the
Spanish fleet, and soon forced hiin to action. At the second
broadside Hcemskirk had his left leg carried off" by a cannon-
ball, and he almost instantly died, exhorting his crew to seek
for consolation in the defeat of the enemy. Verhoef, the
captain of the ship, concealed the admiral's death ; and the
whole fleet continued the action with a valor worthy the
spirit in which it was commenced. The victory was soon
decided : four of the Spanish galleons were sunk or burned,
the remainder fled ; and the citizens of Cadiz trembled with
the apprehension of sack and pillage. But the death of
Heemskirk, when made known to the surviving victors,
seemed completely to paralyze them : they attempted nothing
further ; but sailing back to Holland with the body of their
lamented chief, tJius paid a greater tribute to his importance
than was to be found in the mausoleum erected to his memory
in the city of Amsterdam.*
The news of this battle reaching Brussels before it was
known in Holland, contributed not a little to quicken the
anxiety of the archdukes for peace. The king of Spain,
worn out by the war which drained his treasury, had for
some time ardently desired it. The Portuguese made loud
complaints of the ruin that threatened their trade and their
East Indian colonies.f The Spanish ministers were fatigued
with the apparently interminable contest which baffled all
their calculations.! Spinola, even in the midst of his bril-
liant career, found himself so overwhelmed with debts, and
so oppressed by the reproaches of the numerous creditors
who were ruined by his default of payment, that he joined in
the general demand for repose, 5 In the month of May, 1607,
proposals were made by the archdukes, in compliance with
the general desire ; and their two plenipotentiaries. Van
Wittenhorst and Gevaerts, repaired to the Hague.
Public opinion in the United States was divided on this
important question. An instinctive hatred against the Span-
iards, and long habits of warfare, influenced the great mass
of the people to consider any overture for peace as some wily
artifice aimed at their religion and liberty. War seemed to
open inexhaustible sources of wealth ; while peace seemed
* Vandervynct. jGrotius. J Bentivoglio § Cerisicr.
192 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 16U8
to threaten tlie extinction of the courage, which was now as
mucli a liabit as war appeared to be a want. This reasoning"
was particularly convincing- to prince Maurice, wliose fame,
with a large portion of his authority and revenues, depended
on the continuance of hostilities : it was also strongly relish-
ed and supported in Zealand generally, and in the chief towns,
which dreaded the rivalry of Antwerp. But those who bore
the burden of the war saw the subject under a different as-
pect :* they feared that the present state of things would lead
to their conquest by the enemy, or to the ruin of their liberty
by the growing power of Maurice. They hoped that peace
would consolidate the republic and cause the reduction of the
debt, which now amounted to 26,000,000 florins. At the
head of the party who so reasoned was De Barneveldt ; and
his name is a guarantee with posterity for the wisdom of the
opinion.
To allow the violent opposition to subside, and to prevent
any explosion of party feuds, the prudent Barneveldt sug-
gested a mere suspension of arms, during which the perma-
nent interests of both states miglit be calmly discussed : he
even undertook to obtain Maurice's consent to the armistice.
The prince listened to his arguments, and was apparently
convinced by them. He, at any rate, sanctioned the propo-
sal ; but he afterwards complained that Barneveldt had de-
ceived him, in representing the negotiation as a feint for the
purpose of persuading the kings of France and England to
give greater aid to the republic.f It is more than likely that
Maurice reckoned on the improbability of Spain's consenting
to the terms of the proposed treaty ; and, on that chance,
withdrew an opposition which could scarcely be ascribed to
any but motives of personal ambition. It is, however, certain
that his discontent at this transaction, either with himself or
Barneveldt, laid the foundation of that bitter erunity which
proved fatal to the life of the latter, and covered his own
name, otherwise glorious, with undying reproach.
The United Provinces positively refused to admit even the
commencement of a negotiation without the absolute recog-
nition of their independence by the archdukes. A new am-
bassador was accordingly chosen on the part of these sove-
reigns, and empowered to concede this important admission.
This person attracted considerable attention, from his well-
known qualities as an able diplomatist. He was a monk of
the order of St. Francis, named John de Neyen, a native of
Antwerp, and a person as well versed in court intrigue as in
* Bentivoglio. t Cerisier.
1()U8. ASSEMBLY OF AMBAbSADOliS. 19^
the studies of the cloister. He, in the first instance, repaired
secretly to the Hague ; and had several private interviews
with prince Maurice and Barneveldt, before he was regularly-
introduced to the states-general in his official character. Two
different journeys were undertaken by this agent between the
Hague and Brussels, before he could succeed in obtaining a
perfect understanding as to the specific views of the arch-
dukes. The suspicions of the states-general seem fully jus-
tified by the dubious tone of the various communications,
which avoided the direct admission of the required prelimi-
nary as to the independence of the United Provinces. It was
at length concluded in explicit terms ; and a suspension of
arms for eight months was the immediate consequence.
But the negotiation for peace was on the point of being
completely broken, in consequence of the conduct of Neyen,
who justified every doubt of his sincerity by an attempt to
corrupt Aarsens the greffier of the states-general, or at least
to influence his conduct in the progress of the treaty. Neyen
presented him, in the name of the archdukes, and as a token
of his esteem, with a diamond of great value and a bond for
50,000 crowns. Aarsens accepted these presents with the
approbation of prince Maurice, to whom he had confided the
circumstance, and who was no doubt delighted at what prom-
ised a rupture to the negotiations. Verreiken, a counsellor
of state, w^ho assisted Neyen in his diplomatic labors, was
formally summoned before the assembled states-general, and
there Barneveldt handed to him the diamond and the bond ;
and at the same time read him a lecture of true republican se-
verity on the subject. Verreiken w^as overwhelmed by the
violent attack: he denied the authority of Neyen for the
measure he had taken ; and remarked, " that it was not sur-
prising that monks, naturally interested and avaricious, judged
others by themselves."* Tliis repudiation of Neyen's suspi-
cious conduct, seems to have satisfied the stern resentment
of Barneveldt, and the party which so earnestly labored for
peace. In spite of all the opposition of Maurice and his par-
tisans, the negotiation went on.
In the month of January, 1608, the various ambassadors
were assembled at the Hague. Spinola was the chief of the
plenipotentaries appointed by the king of Spain ; and Jean-
nin, president of the parliament of Dijon, a man of rare en-
dowments, represented France. Prince Maurice, accompa-
nied by his brother Frederick Henry, the various counts of
Nassau liis cousins, and a numerous escort, advanced some
* Jeannin, vol. i. pp. 302. 343.
IP'
194 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1608.
distance to meet Spinola, conveyed him to the Hague in his
own carriage, and lavished on him all the attentions recipro-
cally due between two such renowned captains during the
suspension of their rivalry. The president Richardst was,
with Neyen and Verreiken, ambassador from the archdukes ;
but Barneveldt* and Jeannin appear to have played the chief
parts in the important transaction which now filled all Eu-
rope with anxiety. Every state was more or less concerned
in the result; and the three great monarchies of England,
France, and Spain, had all a vital interest at stake. The
conferences were therefore frequent ; and the debates assum-
ed a great variety of aspects, which long kept the civilized
world in suspense.
Kmg James was extremely jealous of the more prominent
part taken by the French ambassadors, and of the subaltern
consideration held by his own envoys, Winwood and Spen-
cer, in consequence of the disfavor in which he himself was
held by the Dutch people. It appears evident that, whether
deservedly or the contrary, England was at this period un-
popular in the United Provinces, while France was looked up
to with the greatest enthusiasm. This is not surprising, when
we compare the characters of Henry IV. and James I., bear-
ing in mind how much of national reputation at the time de-
pended on the personal conduct of kings ; and how political
situations influence, if they do not create, the virtues and
vices of a people. Independent of the suspicions of his being
altogether unfavorable to the declaration required by the
United Provinces from Spain, to which James's conduct had
given rise, he had establislied some exactions which greatly
embarrassed their fishing expeditions on the coasts of Eng-
land.
The main points for discussion, and on which depended the
decision for peace or v/ar, were those which concerned reli-
gion ; and the demand, on the part of Spain, that the United
Provinces should renounce all claims to the navigation of the
Indian seas.j Philip required for the Catholics of the United
Provinces the free exercise of their religion ; this was op-
posed by the states-general : and the archduke Albert, seeing
the impossibility of carrying that point, dispatched his con-
fessor Fra Inigo de Briznslla, to Spain. This Dominican wa
furnished with the written opinion of several theologians, tha
the king might conscientiously slur over the article of reli-
gion; and he v;as the more successful with Philip, as the
duke of Lerma, his prime minister, was resolved to accom-
* Vandervynct. f Idem.
1608. CONGRESS AT THE HAGUE. 105
plish the peace at any price.* The conferences at the Hague
were therefore not interrupted on this question ; but they
went on slowly, months being- consumed in discussions on
articles of trifling importance. They were, however, re-
sumed in the month of August with greater vigor. It was
announced that the king of Spain abandoned the question
respecting religion ; but that it was in the certainty that his
moderation would be recompensed by ample concessions on
that of the Indian trade, on which he was inexorable. This
article became the rock on which the whole negotiation
eventually split. The court of Spain, on the one hand, and
the states-general on the other, inflexibly maintained their
opposing claims. It was in vain that the ambassadors turned
and twisted the subject with all the subtleties of diplomacy.
Every possible expedient was used to shake the determina-
tion of the Dutch. But the influence of the East India com-
pany, the islands of Zealand, and the city of Amsterdam,
prevailed over all. Reports of the avowal on the part of the
king of Spain, that he would never renounce his title to the
sovereignty of the United Provinces, unless they abandoned
the Indian navigation, and granted the free exercise of reli-
gion, threw the whole diplomatic corps into confusion ; and
on the 25th of August, the states-general announced to the
marquis of Spinola and the other ambassadors, that the con-
gress was dissolved, and that all hopes of peace were aban-
doned.!
Nothing seemed now likely to prevent the immediate re-
newal of hostilities, when the ambassadors of France and
England proposed the mediation of their respective masters
for the conclusion of a truce for several years. The king of
Spain and the archdukes were well satisfied to obtain even
this temporary cessation of the war ; but prince Maurice and
a portion of the Provinces strenuously opposed the proposi-
tion. The French and English ambassadors, however, in
concert with Barneveldt, who steadily maintained his influ-
ence, labored incessantly to overcome those difficulties ; and
finally succeeded in overpowering all opposition to the truce.
A new congress was agreed on, to assemble at Antwerp for
the consideration of the conditions ; and the states-general
agreed to remove from the Hague to Bergen-op-Zoom, to be
more within reach, and ready to co-operate in the negotia-
tion.
But, before matters assumed this favorable turn, discus-
sions and disputes had intervened on several occasions to
* Vandervynct. f Grotius, lib. xvii. p. 548.
196 HISTORV OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1609.
render fruitless every effort of those who so incessantly la-
bored for the great causes of humanity and the general good.
On one occasion, Barneveldt, disgusted with the opposition
of prince Maurice and his partisans, had actually resigned
his employments ; but brought back by the solicitations of the
states-general, and reconciled to Maurice by the intervention
of Jeannin, the negotiations for the truce were resumed ;
and, under the auspices of the ambassadors, they were hap-
pily terminated. After two years' delay, this long wished for
truce was concluded, and signed on the 9th of April, 1609, to
continue for the space of twelve years.*
This celebrated treaty contained thirty-tw^o articles ; and
its fulfilment on either side was guarantied by the kings of
France and England. Notwithstanding the time taken up in
previous discussions, the treaty is one of the most vague and
unspecific state papers that exist. The archdukes, in their
own names and in that of the king of Spain, declared the Uni-
ted Provinces to be free and independent states, on which
they renounced all claim whatever. By the third article
each party was to hold respectively the places which they
possessed at the commencement of the armistice. The fourth
and fifth articles grant to the republic, but in a phraseology
obscure and even doubtful, the right of navigation and free
trade to the Indies. The eighth contains all that regards the
exercise of religion ; and the remaining clauses are wholly
relative to points of internal trade, custom-house regulations,
and matters of private interest.f
Ephemeral and temporary as this peace appeared, it was
received with almost universal demonstrations of joy by the
population of the Netherlands in their two grand divisions.
Every one seemed to turn towards the enjoyment of tranquil-
lity with the animated composure of tired laborers looking
forward to a day of rest and sunshme. This truce brought a
calm of comparative happiness upon the country, which an
almost unremitting tempest had desolated for nearly half a
century ; and, after so long a series of calamity, all the na-
tional advantages of social life seemed about to settle on the
land. The attitude which the United Provinces assumed at
this period was indeed a proud one. They were not now
compelled to look abroad and solicit other states to become
their masters. They had forced their old t\Tants to acknow"-
ledge their independence ; to come and ask for peace on their
own ground ; and to treat with them on terms of no doubtful
equality. They had already become so flourishing, so powerful,
* Jeannin. Grotius Bentivoglio. Vandervynct. t Vandervynct.
1610. DISPUTED SUCCESSION. 197
aiid so envied, that they who had so lately excited but com-
passion from the neighboring- states were now regarded with
such jealousy as rivals, unequivocally equal, may justly in-
spire in each other.
The ten southern provinces, now confirmed under the sove-
reignty of the house of Austria, and from this period generally
distinguished by the name of Belgium, immediately began,
like the northern division of the country, to labor for the great
object of repairing the dreadful sufferings caused by their long
and cruel war. Their success was considerable. Albert and
Isabella, their sovereigns, joined to considerable probity of
character and talents for government, a fund of humanity
which led them to unceasing acts of benevolence. The whole
of their dominions quickly began to recover from the ravages
of war. Agriculture and the minor operations of trade re-
sumed all their wonted activity. But the manufactures of
Flanders were no more ; and the grander exercise of com-
merce seemed finally removed to Amsterdam and the other
chief towns of Holland.*
This tranquil course of prosperity in the Belgian provinces
was only once interrupted during the whole continuance of
the twelve years' truce, and that was in the year following
its commencement. The death of the duke of Cleves and
Juliers, in this year, gave rise to serious disputes for the suc-
cession to his states, which was claimed by several of the
princes of Germany. The elector of Brandenburg and the
duke of Neubourg were seconded both by France and the
United Provinces; and a joint army of both nations, com-
manded by prince Maurice and the marshal de la Chatre, was
marched into the county of Cleves.f After taking possession
of the towTi of Juliers, the allies retired, leaving the two
princes above mentioned in a partnership possession of the
disputed states. But this joint sovereignty did not satisfy the
ambition of either, and serious divisions arose between them,
each endeavoring to strengthen himself by foreign alliances.
The archdukes Albert and Isabella were drawn into the quar-
rel ; and they dispatched Spinola at the head of 20,000 men
to support the duke of Neubourg, whose pretensions they
countenanced. Prince Maurice, with a Dutch army, ad-
vanced on the other hand to uphold the claims of the elector
of Brandenburg. Both generals took possession of several
to\\ms ; and this double expedition offered the singular specta-
cle of two opposing armies, acting in difl^erent interests,
making conquests, and dividing an important inheritance,
* Vandervj'nct t Meteien.
19d HISTORY or THE NETHERLANDS. 1610
witlioul the occurrence of one act of hostility to each other,"''
But the interference of the court of Madrid had nearly been
the cause of a new rupture. The greatest alarm was excited
in the Belgic provinces ; and nothing but the prudence of the
archdukes and the forbearance of the states-general could
have succeeded in averting the threatened evil.
With the exception of this bloodless mimicry of war, the
United Provinces presented for the space of twelve years a
long-continued picture of peace, as the term is generally re-
ceived ; but a peace so disfigured by intestine troubles, and
so stained by actions of despotic cruelty, that the period which
should have been that of its greatest happiness becomes but
an example of its worst disgrace.
The assassination of Henry IV., in the year 1609, was a
new instance of the bigoted atrocity which reigned paramount
in Europe at the time ; and whilst robbing France of one of
its best monarchs, it deprived the United Provinces of their
truest and most powerful friend. Henry has, from his own
days to the present, found a ready eulogy in all who value
kings in proportion as they are distinguished by heroism,
without ceasing to evince the feelings of humanity. Henry
seems to have gone as far as man can go, to combine wisdom,
dignity, and courage, with all those endearing qualities of
private life which alone give men a prominent hold upon the
sympathies of their kind. We acknowledge his errors, his
faults, his follies, only to love him the better. We admire
his valor and generosity, without being shocked by cruelty or
disgusted by profusion. We look on his greatness without
envy ; and in tracing his whole career we seem to walk hand
in hand beside a dear companion, rather than to follow the
footsteps of a mighty monarch.
But the death of this powerful supporter of their efforts for
freedom, and the chief guarantee for its continuance, was a
trifling calamity to the United Provinces, in comparison with
the rapid fall from the true point of glory so painfully exhib-
ited in the conduct of their own domestic champion. It had
been well for prince Maurice of Nassau that the last shot
fired by the defeated Spaniards in the battle of Nieuport had
struck him dead in the moment of his greatest victory, and
on the summit of his fame. From that celebrated day he had
performed no deed of war that could raise his reputation as a
soldier, and all his acts as stadthokler were calculated to sink
him below the level of civil virtue and just government. His
two campaigns against Spmola had redounded more to the
* Relazjone del Card. Bentivoglio.
lolO. RRLTGIOUS DISSENSIONS. 199
(M-cdit of his rival than to liis own ; and his whole conduct
during the negotiation for the truce too plainly betrayed the
unworthy nature of his ambition, founded on despotic princi-
ples. It was his misfortune to have been completely thrown
out of the career for which he had been designed by nature
and education. War was his element. By his genius, he
improved it as a science : by his valor, lie was one of those
who raised it from the degradation of a trade to the dignity
of a passion. But when removed from the camp to the coun-
cil-room, he became all at once a common man. His frank-
ness degenerated into roughness; his decision into despotism;
his courage into cruelty. He gave a new proof of the melan-
choly fact, that circumstances may transform the most appa-
rent qualities of virtue into those opposite vices between
which human wisdom is baffled when it attempts to draw a
decided and invariable line.
Opposed to Maurice in almost every one of his acts was,
as we have already seen, Barne veldt, one of the truest pa-
triots of any time or country ; and, with the exception of
William the great prince of Orange, the most eminent citi-
zen to whom the affairs of the Netherlands have given cele-
brity. A hundred pens have labored to do honor to this truly
virtuous man.* His greatness has found a record in every
act of his life ; and his death, like that of William, though
differently accomplished was equally a martyrdom for the
liberties of his country. We cannot enter minutely into the
train of circumstances which for several years brought Mau-
rice and Barneveldt into perpetual concussion with each other.
Long after the completion of the truce, wliich the latter so
mainly aided in accomplishing, every minor point in the
domestic affairs of the republic seemed merged in the conflict
between the stadtholder and the pensionary. Without at-
tempting to specify these, we may say generally, that almost
every one redounded to the disgrace of the prince and the
honor of the patriot. But the main question of agitation was
the fierce dispute which soon broke out betvv^een two profes-
sors of theology of the university of Leyden, Francis Gomar
and' James Arminius. We do not regret on this occasion that
our confined limits spare us the task of recording in detail
controversies on points of speculative doctrine far beyond the
reach of the human understanding, and therefore presumptu-
ous, and the decision of which cannot be regarded as of vital
importance by those who justly estimate the grand principles
of Christianity. The whole strengtii of the intellects which
* Aubery, Mem. Cerisier, &c.
200 HISTORY OF THE XiyrnKHLAX 1)S. JOJ'J
had loiio- been engag-ed in the conflict for national and roh-
gious liberty, was now directed to metaphysical theology, and
wasted upon interminable disputes about predestination and
grace. Barneveldt enrolled himself among the partisans of
Arminius ; Maurice became a Gomarist.
It was, however, scarcely to be wondered at, that a country
so recently delivered from slavery both in church and state
should run into wild excesses of intolerance, before sectarian
principles were thoroughly understood and definitively fixed.
Persecutions of various kinds were indulged in against Papists,
Anabaptists, Socinians, and all the shades of doctrine into
which Christianity had split. Every minister who, in the
milder spirit of Lutheranism, strove to moderate the rage of
Calvinistic enthusiasm, was openly denounced by its par-
tisans ; and one, named Gaspard Koolhaas, was actually ex-
communicated by a synod, and denounced in plain terms to
the devil.* Arminius had been appointed professor at Leyden
in 1603, for the mildness of his doctrines, which were joined
to most affable manners, a happy temper, and a purity of con-
duct which no calumny could successfully traduce.f
His colleague Gomar, a native of Bruges, learned, violent,
and rigid in sectarian points, soon became jealous of the more
popular professor's influence. A furious attack on the latter
was answered by recrimination ; and the whole battery of
theological authorities was reciprocally discharged by one or
other of the disputants. The states-general interfered be-
tween them : they were summoned to appear before the
council of state ; and grave politicians listened for hours to
the dispute. Arminius obtained the advantage, by the ap-
parent reasonableness of his creed, and the gentleness and
moderation of his conduct. He was meek, while Gomar was
fiirious ; and many of the listeners declared that they would
rather die with the charity of the former than in the faith of the
latter. A second hearing was allowed them before the states
of Holland. Again iVrminius took the lead ; and the contro-
versy went on unceasingly, till this amiable man, worn out
by his exertions and the presentiment of the evil which these
disputes were engendering for his country, expired in his
49th year, piously persisting in his opinions.|
The Gomarists now loudly called for a national synod, to
regulate the points of faith. The Arminians remonstrated 'on
various grounds, and thus acquired the name of Remonstrants,
by which they were soon generally distinguished. The most
deplorable contests ensued. Serious riots occurred in several
* Brandt. Hist, du Reform. •]■ Bayle, art. Arminius.
\ Bert, Orat. fiineb.
1616. ARMINIANS AND GOMARISTS. 201
of the towns of Holland ; and James I. of England could not
resist the temptation of entering- the polemical lists, as a
champion of orthodoxy and a decided Gomarist. His hostility
was chiefly directed against Vorstius, the successor and dis-
ciple of Arminius. He pretty strongly recommended to the
states-general to have him burned for heresy,* His inveterate
intolerance knew no bounds; and it completed the melan-
choly picture of absurdity which the whole afl^air presents to
reasonable minds.f
In this dispute, which occupied and agitated all, it was im-
possible that Barneveldt should not choose the congenial
temperance and toleration of Arminius., Maurice, with pro-
bably no distinct conviction, or much interest in the abstract
differences on either side, joined the Gomarists.J His motives
were purely temporal ; for the party he espoused was now
decidedly as much political as religious. King James re-
warded him by conferring on him the riband of the order of
the Garter, vacant by the death of Henry IV. of France. ^
The ceremony of investment was performed with great pomp
by the English ambassador at the Hague ; and James and
Maurice entered from that time into a closer and more unin-
terrupted correspondence than before. ||
During the long continuance of the theological disputes,
tlte United Provinces had nevertheless made rapid strides
towards commercial greatness ; and the year 1616 witnessed
the completion of an affair which was considered the consoli-
dation of their independence. This important matter was the
recovery of the towns of Brille and Flessingue, and the fort
of Rammekins, which had been placed in the hands of the
English as security for the loan granted to the republic by
queen Elizabeth. The whole merit of the transaction was
due to the perseverance and address of Barneveldt acting on
the weakness and tlie embarrassments of king James. Reli-
gious contention did not so fully occupy Barneveldt, but that
he kept a constant eye on political concerns. He was well
informed on all that passed in the English court : he knew
the wants of James, and was aware of his efforts to bring
about the marriage of his son with the infanta of Spain. The
danger of such an alliance was evident to the penetrating
Barneveldt, who saw in perspective the probability of the
wily Spaniard's obtaining from the English monarch posses-
* King James's Works, p. 355.
fSee James's letter to the states-general ; Mercure Francais, t. xi. pp. 400.
470.
J Cerisier, t. v. p. 75, &c. § Rapin, lib. xviii. p. 74.
Ij Laiiriers de Nassau.
202 inSTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. J6l().
sion of the stronir places in question. He therefore resolved
on obtaining their recovery; and his great care was to get
tliem back with a considerable abatement of the enormous
debt for whicli they stood pledged, and which now amounted
to 8,000,000 florins.*
Barneveldt commenced his operations by sounding the
needy monarch through the medium of Noel Caron, the am-
bassador from the states-general ; and he next managed so as
that James himself should offer to give up the towns, thereby
allowing a fair pretext to the states for claiming a diminution
of the debt. The English garrisons were unpaid ; and their
complaints brought down a strong remonstrance from James,
and excuses from the states, founded on tlie poverty of , their
financial resources. The negotiation rapidly went on, in the
same spirit of avidity on the part of the king, and of good
management on that of his debtors. It was finally agreed
that the states should pay in full of the demand 2,728,000
florins (about 250,000/. sterling,) being about one-third of the
debt. Prince Maurice repaired to the cautionary towns in
the month of June, and received them at the hands of the
English governors ; the garrisons at the same time entering
into the service of the republic!
The accomplishment of this measure afforded the highest
satisfaction to the United States. It caused infinite disc^jn-
tent in England ; and James, with the common injustice of
men w^ho make a bad bargain, (even though its conditions be
of their own seeking, and suited to their own convenience,)
turned his own self-dissatisfaction into bitter hatred against
him w^hose w^atchful integrity had successfully labored for his
country's good. Barneveldt's leaning towards France and
the Arminians filled the measure of James's unworthy enmi-
ty. | Its effects were soon apparent, on the arrival at the
Hague of Carleton, who succeeded Winwood as James's am-
bassador. The haughty pretensions of this diplomatist, whose
attention seemed turned to theological disputes rather than
politics, gave great disgust ; and he contributed not a little
to the persecution which led to the tragical end of Barne-
veldt's valuable life.^
While this indefatigable patriot was busy in relieving his
country from its dependence on England, his enemies accused
him of the wisii to reduce it once more to Spanish tyranny
Francis Aarsens, son to him who proved himself so incorrupti-
ble when attempted to be bribed by Neyen, was one of the
* Ceiisier.
t Carleton's IWem. vol. i. p. 57, &c. Hume, vol. viii. p. 82.
] Cabala, i. I?0. ' § Cerisier, t, v. p. 196
1610. MAURICE INTRIGUES FOR REGAL POWER. 203
foremost of the faction who now labored for the downfall of
the pensionary. He was a man of infinite dissimulation ;
v^ersed in all the intrigues of courts ; and so deep in all their
tortuous tactics, that cardinal Richelieu, well qualified to
prize that species of talent, declared that he knew only three
great political geniuses, of whom Francis Aarsens was one.*
Prince Maurice now almost openly avowed his pretensions
to absolute sovereignty : he knew that his success wholly
depended en the consent of Barneveldt. To seduce him to
favor his designs, he had recourse to the dowager princess of
Orange, his mother-in-law, whose gentle character and ex-
emplary conduct had procured her universal esteem, and the
influence naturally attendant on it. Maurice took care to
make her understand that her interest in his object was not
trifling. Long time attached to Gertrude van Mechlen, his
favorite mistress, who had borne him several children, he
now announced his positive resolution to remain unmarried ;
so that his brother Frederick Henry, the dowager's only son,
would be sure to succeed to the sovereignty he aimed at.
The princess, not insensible to this appeal, followed the in-
structions of Maurice, and broached the affair to Barneveldt ;
but he was inexorable. He clearly explained to her the peril-
ous career on which the prince proposed to enter. He showed
how great, how independent, how almost absolute, he might
continue, without shocking the principles of republicanism
by grasping at an empty dignity, which could not virtually
increase his authority, and would most probably convulse
the state to its foundation, and lead to his own ruin. The
princess, convinced by his reasoning, repaired to Mau-
rice ; but instead of finding him as ready a convert as she
herself had been, she received as cold an answer as was com-
patible with a passionate temper, wounded pride, and disap-
pointed ambition. The princess and Barneveldt recounted
the whole affair to Maurier the French ambassador ; and his
son has transmitted it to posterity. f
We cannot follow the misguided prince in all the winding
ways of intrigue and subterfuge through which he labored to
reach his object. Religion, the holiest of sentiments, and
Christianity, the most sacred of its forms, were perpetually
degraded by being made the pretexts for that unworthy ob-
ject. He was for a while diverted from its direct pursuit by
the preparation made to afford assistance to some of the a.llies
of the republic. Fifty thousand florins a month were granted
to the duke of Savoy, who was at war with Spain ;| and
* Cerififir | AuberydnMaiirinr'f M'moii?, \ Carl^-'ton, vol. i. p. 324.
Xi04 HISTOKY 01 TIIK NETHERLANDS. 1617.
7000 men, with nearly forty ships, were dispatclicd to the
aid of tlie republic of Venice, in its contest with Ferdinand
archduke of Gratz, who was afterwards elected emperor.
The honorary empire of the seas seems at this time to have
been successfully claimed by the United Provinces: they
paid back with interest the haug-hty conduct with which they
had been long- treated by the English ;* and they refused to
pay the fishery duties to which the inhabitants of Great Brit-
ain were subject. The Dutch sailors had even the temerit}'',
under pretext of pursuing pirates, to violate the British terri-
tory : they set fire to the town of Crookhaven, in Ireland,
and massacred several of the inhabitants. King James, im-
mersed in theological studies, appears to have passed slightly
over this outrage. f More was to have been expected from
his usual attention to the affairs of Ireland ; his management
of which ill-fated country is the best feature of his political
character, and ought, to Irish feelings at least, to be consider-
ed to redeem its many errors. But he took fire at the news
that the states had prohibited the importation of cloth dyed
and dressed in England. It required the best exertion of
Barneveldt's talents to pacify him ; and it was not easy to
eflfect this through the jaundiced medium of the ambassador
Carleton. But it was unanswerably argued by the pensiona-
ry, that the manufacture of cloth was one of those ancient
and natural sources of wealth which England had ravished
from the Netherlands, and which the latter was justified in
recovering by every effort consistent with national honor and
fair principles of government.]:
The influence of Prince Maurice had gained complete suc-
cess for the Calvinist party, in its various titles of Gomarists,
non- remonstrants, &c. The audacity and violence of these
ferocious sectarians knew no bounds. Outrages, too many to
enumerate, became common through the country ; and Ar-
minianism was on all sides assailed and persecuted. Barne-
veldt frequently appealed to Maurice without effect ; and all
the efforts of the former to obtain justice by means of the
civil authorities were paralyzed by the inaction in which the
prince retained the military force. In this juncture, the
magistrates of various towns, spurred on by Barneveldt, call-
ed out the national militia, termed Waardegelders, which pos
sessed the right of arming at its owti expense for the protec
tion of the public peace. Schism upon schism was the con
sequence, and the whole country was reduced to that state
of anarchy so favorable to the designs of an ambitious soldier
* Carleton's Mem. vol. i. p. 280 f Mem, vol. i p. 110, &c I Carleton
1618. SYNOD AT DORT. 205
already in the enjoyment of almost absolute power. Maurice
possessed all the hardihood and vigor suited to such an occa-
sion. At the head of two companies of infantry, and accom-
panied by his brother Frederick Henry, he suddenly set out
at nig] it from the Hague ; arrived at the Brille ; and in de-
fiance of the remonstrances of the magistrates, and in viola-
tion ot the rights of the town, he placed his devoted garrison
in that important place.* To justify this measure, reports
were spread that Barneveldt intended to deliver it up to the
Spaniards ; and the ignorant, insensate, and ungrateful peo-
ple swallowed the calumny.f
This and such minor efforts were, however, all subservient
to the one grand object of utterly destroying, by a public
proscription, the whole of the patriot party, now identified
with Arminianism. A national synod was loudly clamored
for by the Gomarists ; and in spite of all opposition on consti-
tutional grounds, it was finally proclaimed. Uitenbogaard,
the enlightened pastor and friend of Maurice, who on all occa-
sions labored for the general good, now moderated, as much
as possible, the violence of either party : but he could not
persuade Barneveldt to render himself, by compliance, a tacit
accomplice with a measure that he conceived fraught with
violence to the public privileges. He had an inflexible enemy
in Carleton the English ambassador. His interference carried
the question ; and it was at his suggestion that Dordrecht, or
Dort, was chosen for the assembling of the synod.]: Du Mau-
rier, the French ambassador, acted on all occasions as a me-
diator;^ but to obtain influence at such a time it was neces-
sary to become a partisan. Several towns, — Leyden, Gouda,
Rotterdam, and some others, — made a last effort for their
liberties, and formed a fruitless confederation.
Barneveldt solicited the acceptance of his resignation of
all his offices. The states-general implored him not to aban-
don the country at such a critical moment : he consequently
maintained his post. Libels the most vindictive and atrocious
were published and circulated against him ; and at last, forced
from his silence by these multiplied calumnies, he put for-
ward his " Apology," addressed to the States of Holland.
This dignified vindication only produced new outrages ;
Maurice, now become prince of Orange by the death of his
elder brother without children, employed his whole authority
to carry his object, and crush Barneveldt. At the head of his
troops he seized on towns, displaced magistrates, trampled
* Grot. Apol. p. 242. t Ceiisier.
JCarleton'sMem. vol. i § Aubery, Mem art. Maurier.
206 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1619
under foot all the ancient privileges of the citizens, and openly
announced his intention to overthrow the federative constitu-
tion.* His bold conduct completely terrified the states-g-eneral.
They thanked him ; they consented to disband the militia ;
formally invited forei;gn powers to favor and protect tJie synod
about to be held at Dort. The return of Carleton from Eng-
and, where he had gone to receive the more positive prom-
ses of support from king James, was only wanting, to decide
Maurice to take the final step ;f and no sooner did the am-
bassador arrive at the Hague, than Barneveldt and his most
able friends, Grotius, Hoogerbeets, and Ledenberg, were ar-
rested in the name of the states-gen eral.^
The country was taken by surprise : no resistance was of-
fered. The concluding scenes of the tragedy were hurried
on : violence was succeeded by violence, against public feel-
ing and public justice. Maurice became completely absolute
in every thing but in name. The supplications of ambassa-
dors, the protests of individuals, the arguments of statesmen,
were alike unavailing to stop the torrent of despotism and m-
justice. The synod of Dort was opened on the 13th of No-
vember, 1618, Theology was mystified ; religion disgraced ;
Christianity outraged. And after 152 sittings, during six
months' display of ferocity and fraud, the solemn mockery
was closed on the 9th of May, 1619, by the declaration of its
president, that "its miraculous labors had made hell tremble."^
Proscriptions, banishments, and death, were the natural
consequences of this synod. The divisions which it had pro-
fessed to extinguish were rendered a thousand times more
violent than before. Its decrees did incalculable ill to the
cause they were meant to promote. The Anglican church
was the first to reject the canons of Dort with horror and
contempt. II The Protestants of France and Germany, and
even Geneva, the nurse and guardian of Calvinism, were
shocked and disgusted, and unanimously softened down the
rigor of their respective creeds. But the moral effects of
this memorable conclave were too remote to prevent the sac-
rifice which almost immediately followed the celebration of
its rites. A trial by twenty-four prejudiced enemies, by cour-
tesy called judges, which in its progress and its result throws
judicial dignity into scorn, ended in the condemnation of Bar-
neveldt and his fellow patriots, for treason against the liber-
ties they had vainly labored to save. Barneveldt died on the
scaffold by the hands of the executioner, on the 13th of May
* Cerisier, t. v. p. 252. f Uitenbog. Hist, p 994. :f Cerisier.
§ Brandt, t. ii. pp. 610. 616. I! Cerisier.
1619. EXECUTION OF BARNE VELDT. 207
1619, in the 72d year of his Rge. Grotius and Hoogerbeets
were sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. Ledenberg com-
mitted suicide in his cell, sooner than brave the tortures
which he anticipated at the hands of his enemies.
Many more pages than we arc able to afford sentences,
might be devoted to the details of these iniquitous proceed-
ings, and an account of their awful consummation. The pious
heroism of Barneveldt was never excelled by any martyr to
the most holy cause. He appealed to Maurice against the
unjust sentence which condemned him to death ; but he
scorned to beg his life. He met his fate with such temperate
courage as was to be expected from the dignified energy of
his life. His last words were worthy a philosopher whose
thoughts, even in his latest moments, were superior to mere
personal hope or fear, and turned to the deep mysteries of his
being. " O God !" cried De Barneveldt, " w^at then is man]"
as he bent his head to the sword that severed it from his body,
and sent the inquiring spirit to learn the great mystery for
which it longed.
CHAP. xvn.
1619—1625.
TO THE DEATH OF PRINCE MAURICE.
The princess-dowager of Orange, and Du Maurier the
French ambassador, had vainly implored mercy for the inno-
cent victim at the hands of the inexorable stadtholder. Mau-
rice refused to see his mother-in-law : he left the ambassa-
dor's appeal unanswered. This is enough for the rigid jus-
tice of history, that cannot be blinded by partiality, but hands
over to shame, at the close of their career, even those whom
she nursed in the very cradle of heroism. But an accusation
has become current, more fatal to the fame of prince Maurice,
because it strikes at the root of his claims to feeling, which
could not be impugned by a mere perseverance in severity
that might have sprung from mistaken views. It is asserted,
but only as general belief, that he witnessed the execution
of Barneveldt.* The little window of an octagonal tower,
ovei-looking the square of the Binnenhof at the Hague, where
the tragedy was acted, is still shown as the spot from which
* Grotius, Auberv, &c.
208 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1620
the priiice gazed on the scene. Almost concealed from view
among the clustering buildings of the place, it is well adapt-
ed to give weight to tlie tradition ; but it may not, perhaps,
even now be too late to raise a generous incredulity as to an
assertion of which no eye-witness attestation is recorded,
and which might have been the invention of malignity.
There are many statements of history which it is immaterial
to substantiate or disprove. Splendid fictions of public virtue
have often produced their good, if once received as fact; but,
when private character is at stake, every conscientious wri-
ter or reader will cherish his " historic doubts," when he re-
flects on the facility with which calumny is sent abroad, the
avidity with which it is received, and the careless ease with
which men credit what it costs little to invent and propagate,
but requires an age of trouble and an almost impossible con-
junction of opportunities effectually to refute.
Grotius and Hoogerbeets were confined in the castle of
Louvestein. Moersbergen, a leading patriot of Utrecht; De
Haan, pensionary of Haarlem ; and Uitenbogaard, the chosen
confidant of Maurice, but the friend of Barneveldt; were
next accused and sentenced to imprisonment or banishment.
And thus Arminianism, deprived of its chiefs, was for the
time completely stifled. The remonstrants, thrown into utter
despair, looked to emigration as their last resource. Gusta-
vus Adolphus king of Sweden, and Frederick duke of Hol-
stein, offered them shelter and protection in their respective
states. Several availed themselves of these offers ; but the
states-general, alarmed at the progress of self-expatriation,
moderated their rigor, and thus checked the desolating evil.
Several of the imprisoned Arminians had the good fortune to
elude the vigilance of their jailors ; but the escape of Gro-
tius is the most remarkable of all, both from his own celebrity
as one of the first writers of his age in the most varied
walks of literature, and from its peculiar circumstances,
which only found a parallel in European history after a lapse
of two centuries.*
Grotius was freely allowed during his close imprisonment
all the relaxations of study. His friends supplied him with
quantities of books, which were usually brought into the for-
tress in a trunk two feet two inches long, which the governor
regularly and carefully examined during the first year. But
custom brought relaxation in the strictness of the prison
rules; and the wife of the illustrious prisoner, his faithful
•■* We allude to the escape of Lavalette from the prison of the Concier<re
rie in Paris, in 1815, which so painfully excited the interest of all Europe
for the intended victim's wife, whose reason was the forfeit of her exertion
1620. ESCAPE OF GKOTIUS. 209
and constant visiter, proposed the plan of his escape, to which
he gave a ready and, all hazards considered, a courag-eous
assent. Shut up in this trunk for two hours, and with all the
risk of suffocation, and of injury from the rude handling- of
the soldiers who carried it out of the fort, Grotius was brought
clear off by the very agents of his persecutors, and safely de-
livered to the care of his devoted and discreet female servant,
who knew the secret and kept it well. She attended the
important consignment in the barge to the tovv^n of Gorcum ;
and afler various risks of discovery, providentially escaped,
Grotius at length found himself safe beyond the limits of his
native land. His wife, whose torturing suspense may be
imagined the while, concealed the stratagem as long as it
was possible to impose on the jailor with the pardonable and
praiseworthy fiction of her husband's illness and confinement
to his bed. The government, outrageous at the result of the
affair, at first proposed to hold this interesting prisoner in
place of the prey they had lost, and to proceed criminally
against her. But after a fortnight's confinement she was re-
stored to liberty, and the country saved from the disgrace of
so ungenerous and cowardly a proceeding.* Grotius repaired
to Paris, where he was received in the most flattering man-
ner, and distinguished by a pension of 1000 crowns allowed
by the king. He soon published his vindication — one of the
most eloquent and unanswerable productions of its kind, in
which those times of unjust accusations and illegal punish-
ments were so fertile.
The expiration of the twelve years' truce was now at
hand ; and the United States, after that long period of intes-
tine trouble and disgrace, had once more to recommence a
more congenial struggle against foreign enemies ; for a re-
newal of the war with Spain might be fairly considered a
return to the regimen best suited to the constitution of the
people. The republic saw, however, with considerable anx-
iety, the approach of this new contest. It was fully sensible
of its own weakness. Exile had reduced its population;
patriotism had subsided; foreign friends were dead; the
troops were unused to warfare ; the hatred against Spanish
cruelty had lost its excitement ; the finances were in confu-
sion ; prince Maurice had no longer the activity of youth ;
and the still more vigorous impulse of fighting for his coun-
try's liberty was changed to the dishonoring task of uphold-
ing his own tyranny.
The archdukes, encouraged by these considerations, had
Aubery, rat. Grotius.
14
210 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1622.
hopes of bring-inor back tlie United Provinces to their domi-
nation. They accordinj^ly sent an embassy to Holland with
proposals to that effect. It was received with indignation;
and the ambassador Peckius was obliged to be escorted back
to tlie frontiers by soldiers, to protect him from the insults of
the people.* Military operations were, however, for a while
refrained from on either side, in consequence of the deaths
of Philip III. of Spain and the archduke Albert. Philip IV.
succeeded his father at the age of sixteen ; and the arch-
duchess Isabella found herself alone at the head of the gov-
ernment in the Belgian provinces. Olivarez became as sov-
ereign a minister in Spain, as his predecessor the duke of
Lerma had been ; but the archduchess, though now with only
the title of governant of the Netherlands, held the rems of
power with a firm and steady hand.
In the celebrated thirty years' war which had commenced
between the Protestants and Catholics of Germany, the for-
mer had met with considerable assistance from the United
Provinces. Barneveldt, who foresaw the embarrassments
which the country would have to contend with on the expi-
ration of that truce, had strongly opposed its meddling in the
quarrel : but his ruin and death left no restraint on the policy
which prompted the republic to aid the Protestant cause.
Fifty thousand florins a month to the revolted Protestants,
and a like sum to the princes of the union, w^ere for some
time advanced.! Frederick, the elector palatine, son-in-law
of the king of England, and nephew of the prince, was cho-
sen by the Bohemians for their king : but in spite of the en-
thusiastic wishes of the English nation, James persisted in
refusing to interfere in Frederick's favor.| France, governed
by De Luynes, a favorite whose influence was deeply pledged,
and, it is said, dearly sold, to Spain, abandoned the system
of Henry IV., and upheld the house of Austria.^ Thus the
new monarch, only aided by the United Provinces, and that
feebly, was soon driven from his teniporary dignity ; his he-
reditary dominions in the palatinate were over-run by the
Spanish army under Spinola ; and Frederick, utterly defeated
at the battle of Prague, was obliged to take refuge in Hol-
land. James's abandonment of his son-in-law has been uni-
versally blamed by almost every historian. 1| He certainly
allowed a few generous individuals to raise a regiment m
England of 2400 chosen soldiers, who, under the command
of the gallant Sir Horace Vere, could only vainly regret the
* Wagenaer, Hist. x. 420. t Cerisier.
J Carleton. § Aubery. 1 Sep H nine, &r
1623. WAR IN GERMANY. 211
impossibility of opposition to ten times their number of vete-
ran troops.*
This contest was carried on at first with ahnost all the ad-
vantages on the side of the house of Austria. Two men of
extraordinary character, which presented a savage parody of
military talent, and a courage chiefly remarkable for the
ferocity into which it degenerated, struggled for a while
against the imperial arms. These were the count of Mans-
field and Christian of Brunswick. At the head of two des-
perate bands, which, by dint of hard fighting, acquired some-
thing of the consistency of regular armies, they maintained
a long resistance : but the duke of Bavaria, commanding the
troops of the emperor, and count Tilly at the head of those
of Spain, completed in the year 1622 the defeat of their
daring and semi-barbarous opponents.
Spinola was resolved to commence the war against the re-
public by some important exploit. He therefore laid siege to
Bergen-op-Zoom, a place of great consequence, commanding
the navigation of the Mouse and the coasts of all the islands
of Zealand.! But Maurice, roused from the lethargy of des-
potism which seemed to have wholly changed his character,
repaired to the scene of threatened danger ; and succeeded,
after a series of desperate efforts on both sides, to raise the
siege, forcing Spinola to abandon his attempt with a loss of
upwards of 12,000 men.| Frederick Henry in the mean time
had made an incursion into Brabant with a body of light
troops; and ravaging the country up to the very gates of
Mechlin, Louvain, and Brussels, levied contributions to the
amount of 600,000 florins. ^ The states completed this series
of good fortime by obtaining the possession of West Fries-
land, by means of count Mansfield, whom they had dispatched
thither at the head of his formidable army, and who had, in
spite of the opposition of count Tilly, successfully performed
his mission. II
We must now turn from these brief records of military
affairs, tlie more pleasing theme for the historian of the
Netherlands in comparison with domestic events, which clainji
attention but to create sensations of regret and censure.
Prince Maurice had enjoyed without restraint the fruits of
his ambitious daring. His power was uncontrolled and unop-
posed, but it was publicly odious ; and private resentments
were only withheld by fear, and, perhaps, in some measure
** Carleton. t Capellan, vol. i. pp. 92—97
X Capellan, vol. i. pp. 92—97. § Cerisier.
li M6m. de Fred. Henry, p. 17, &c.
212 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1623.
by the moderation and patience which distinguished the dis-
ciples of Arminianisrn. In the midst, however, of the ap-
parent calm, a deep conspiracy was formed against the life of
the prince. The motives, the conduct, and the termination
of this plot, excite feelings of many opposite kinds. We
cannot, as in former instances, wholly execrate the design
and approve the punishment. Commiseration is mingled with
blame, when we mark the sons of Barneveldt, urged on by
the excess of filial affection to avenge their venerable father's
fate ; and despite our abhorrence for the object in view, we
sympathize with the conspirators rather than the intended
victim. William van Stoutenbourg, and Renier de Groene-
veld, were the names of these two sons of the late pensionary.
The latter was the younger ; but, of more impetuous charac-
ter than his brother, he was the principal in the plot. Instead
of any efforts to soften down the hatred of this unfortunate
family, these brothers had been removed from their employ-
ments, their property was confiscated, and despair soon urged
them to desperation. In such a time of general discontent it
was easy to find accomplices. Seven or eight determined
men readily joined in the plot : of these, two were Catholics,
the rest Arminians ; the chief of whom was Henry Slatius,
a preacher of considerable eloquence, talent, and energy. It
was first proposed to attack the prince at Rotterdam ; but the
place was soon after changed for Ryswyk, a village near the
Hague, and afterwards celebrated by the treaty of peace
signed there and which bears its name. Ten other associates
were soon engaged by the exertions of Slatius : these were
Arminian artisans and sailors, to whom the actual execution
of the murder was to be confided ; and they were persuaded
that it was planned with the connivance of prince Frederick
Henry, who was considered by the Arminians as the secret
partisan of their sect. The 6th of February was fixed on for
the accomplishment of the deed. The better to conceal the
design, the conspirators agreed to go unarmed to the place,
where they were to find a box containing pistols and poniards
in a spot agreed upon. The death of the prince of Orange
was not the only object intended. During the confusion sub-
sequent to the hoped-for success of that first blow, the chief
conspirators intended to excite simultaneous revolts at Ley-
den, Gouda, and Rotterdam, in which town the Arminians
were most numerous. A general revolution throughout Hol-
land was firmly reckoned on as the infallible result ; and suc-
cess was enthusiastically looked for to their country's freedom
and their individual faoie.
1623. PLOT AGAINST PKINCE MAURICE. 213
But the plot, however cautiously laid and resolutely per-
severed in, was doomed to the fate of many another ; and the
horror of a second murder (but with far different provoca-
tion from the first) averted from the illustrious family to
whom was still destined the glory of consolidating- the country
it had formed. Two brothers named Blansaart, and one
Parthy, having procured a considerable sum of money from
the leading conspirators, repaired to the Hague, as they as-
serted, for the purpose of betraying the plot ; but they were
forestalled in this purpose : four of the sailors had gone out to
Ryswyk the preceding evening, and laid the whole of the
project, together with the wages of their intended crime, be-
fore the prince ; who, it would appear, then occupied the
ancient chateau, which no longer exists at Ryswyk. The
box of arms was found in the place pointed out by the in-
formers, and measures were instantly taken to arrest the
various accomplices. Several were seized, Groeneveld had
escaped along the coast disguised as a fisherman, and had
nearly effected his passage to England, when he was recog-
nized and arrested in the island of Vlieland. Slatius and others
were also intercepted in their attempts at escape. Stouten-
bourg, the most culpable of all, was the most fortunate ; proba-
bly from the energy of character which marks the difference
between a bold adventurer and a timid speculator. He is
believed to have passed from the Hague in the same manner
as Grotius quitted his prison ; and, by the aid of a faithful
servant, he accomplished his escape through various perils,
and finally reached Brussels, where the archduchess Isabella
took him under her special protection. He for several years
made efforts to be allowed to return to Holland ; but finding
them hopeless, even after the death of Maurice, he embraced
the Catholic religion, and obtained the command of a troop
of Spanish cavalry, at the head of which he made incursions
into his native country, carrying before him a black flag with
the effigy of a death's head, to announce the mournful ven-
geance which he came to execute.
Fifteen persons were executed for the conspiracy. If ever
mercy was becoming to a man, it would have been pre-emi-
nently so to Maurice on this occasion ; but he was inflexible
as adamant. The mother, the wife, and the son of Groeneveld,
threw themselves at his feet, imploring pardon. Prayers,
tears, and sobs, were alike ineffectual. It is even said that
Maurice asked the wretched mother " why she begged mercy
for her son, having refused to do as much for her husband '!'*
To which cruel question she is reported to have made the
214 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1624.
sublime answer — " Because my son is guilty, and my husbana
was not."*
These bloody executions caused a deep sentiment of gloom.
The conspiracy excited more pity for the victims than horror
for the intended crime. Maurice, from being the idol of his
countrymen, was now become an object of their fear and dis-
like. When he moved from town to town, the people no
longer hailed him Vv'ith acclamations ; and even the common
tokens of outward respect v/ere at times withheld.! The
Spaniards, taking advantage of the internal weakness conse-
quent on this state of public feeling in the States, made re-
peated incursions into the provinces, which were now united
but in title, not in spirit. Spinola was once more in the field,
and had invested the important town of Breda, which was the
patrimonial inheritance of the princes of Orange. Maurice
was oppressed with anxiety and regret ; and, for the sake of
his better feelings, it may be hoped, with remorse. He could
effect nothing against his rival ; and he saw his own laurels
withering from his care-worn brow. The only hope left of
obtaining the so much wanted supplies of money, was in the
completion of a new treaty with France and England. Car-
dinal Richelieu, desirous of setting bounds to the ambition
and the successes of the house of Austria, readily came into
the views of the States; and an obligation for a loan of
1,200,000 livres during the year 1624r and 1,000,000 more
for each of the two succeeding years, was granted by the
king of France, on condition that the republic made no new-
truce with Spain without his mediation. |
An alliance nearly similar was at the same time concluded
with England. Perpetual quarrels on commercial questions
loosened^'the ties which bound the States to their ancient al-
lies. The failure of his son's intended marriage with the
infanta of Spain liad opened the eyes of king James to the
way in which he was despised by those who seemed so much
to respect him. He was highly indignant ; and he undertook
to revenge himself by aiding the republic. He agreed to fur-
nish 6000 men, and supply the funds for their pay, with a pro-
vision for repayment by the States at the conclusion of a peace
with Spain.
Prince JVIaurice had no opportunity of reaping the expected
advantages from these treaties. Baffled in all his efforts for
relieving Breda, and being unsuccessful in a new attempt
upon Antwerp, he returned to the Hague, w^here a Imgering
* Cerisier, t. v. p. 452, &c t Aubery.
t Cerisier,
1525. PRINCE FREDERICK HEjNRY. 215
illness, that had for some time exhausted him, terminated in
his death on tlio 23d of April, 1625, in his fifty-ninth year.*
Most writers attribute this event to agitation at being unable
U) relieve Breda from the attack of Spinola. It is in any case
absurd to suppose that the loss of a single to\vn could have
produced so fatal an effect on one whose life had been an al-
most continual game of the chances of war. But cause enough
for Maurice's death may be found in the wearing effects of
thirty years of active military service, and the more wasting
ravao-es of half o,s many of domestic despotism.
CHAP. XVIIl.
1625—1648.
TO THE TREATY OF MUNSTER
Frederick Henry succeeded to almost all his brother's titles
and employments, and found his new dignities clogged with
an accumulation of difficulties sufficient to appal the most de-
termined spirit. Every thing seemed to justify alarm and de-
spondency. If the affairs of tlie republic in India wore an as-
pect of prosperity, those in Euro}>e presented a picture of past
disaster and approaching peril. Disunion and discontent, an
almost insupportable weight of taxation, and the disputes of
which it was the fruitful source, formed the subjects of inter-
nal ill. Abroad was to be seen navigation harassed and tram-
melled by the pirates of Dunkirk; and the almost defenceless
frontiers of the republic exposed to the irruptions of the enemy.
The king of Denmark, who endeavored to make head against
the imperialist and Spanish forces, was beaten by Tilly, and
made to tremble for the safety of his own States. England
did nothing towards the common cause of Protestantism, in
consequence of the weakness of the monarch ; and civil dis-
sensions for a while disabled France from resuming the sys-
tem of Henry IV. for humbling the house of Austria.
Frederick Henry was at this period in his forty-second year.
His military reputation w^as well established ; he soon proved
his political talents. He commenced his career by a total
change in the tone of government on the subject of sectarian
differences. He exercised several acts of clemency in favor
of the imprisoned and exiled Arminians, at the same time
* Aiibfiiy, &c.
216 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1626.
that ho upheld the dommant religion. By tliese measures lie
conciliated all parties ; and by degrees the fierce spirit of in-
tolerance became subdued.* The foreign relations of the
United Provinces now presented the anomalous policy of a
fleet furnished by the French king, manned by rigid Calvin-
ists, and commanded by a grandson of admiral Coligny, for
the purpose of combating the remainder of the French Hu-
guenots, whom they considered as brothers in religion, though
political foes ; and during the joint expedition which was un-
dertaken by the allied 'French and Dutch troops against
Rochelle, the strong-hold of Protestantism, the preachers of
Holland put up prayers for the protection of those whom their
army was marching to destroy. The states-general, ashamed
of this unpopular union, recalled their fleet, after some severe
fighting with that of the Huguenots. Cardinal Richelieu
and the king of France were for a time furious in their dis-
pleasure ; but interests of state overpowered individual re-
sentments, and no rupture took place.f
Charles I. had now succeeded his father on the English
throne. He renewed the treaty with the republic, which
furnished him with twenty ships to assist his own formidable
fleet in his war against Spain. Frederick Henry had, soon
after his succession to the chief command, commenced an
active course of martial operations, and was successful in al-
most all his enterprises. He took Groll and several other
towns ; and it was hoped that his successes would have been
pushed forward upon a wider field of action against the im-
perial arms ; but the States prudently resolved to act on the
defensive by land, choosing the sea for the theatre of their
more active operations. All the hopes of a powerful confed-
eration against the emperor and the king of Spain seemed
frustrated, by the war which now broke out between France
and England. The states-general contrived by great pru-
dence to maintain a strict neutrality in this quarrel. They
even succeeded in mediating a peace between the rival pow-
ers, which was concluded the following year ; and in the mean
time they obtained a more astonishing and important series
of triumphs against the Spanish fleets than had yet been wit-
nessed in naval conflicts.
The West India company had confided the command of
their fleet to Peter Hein, a most intrepid and intelligent sailor
who proved his own merits, and the sagacity of his employ
ers on many occasions, two of them of an extraordinary na-
ture. In 1627, he defeated a fleet of twenty-six vessels, with
* Capellan, i. 3G8 t Orisier.
1629. NAVAL SUCCESSES. 217
a much inferior force. In the following- year, lit; had the still
more brilliant good fortune, near the Havana, in the island
of Cuba, in an engagement with the great Spanish armament,
called the Money Fleet, to indicate the immense wealth which
it contained. The booty was safely carried to Amsterdam,
and the whole of the treasure, in money, precious stones, in-
digo, &c. was estimated at the value of 12;000,000 florins.
This was indeed a victory worth gaining, won almost with-
out bloodshed, and raising the republic far above the mani-
fold difficulties by which it had been embarrassed. Hein per-
ished in the following year, in a combat with some of the
pirates of Dunkirk — those terrible freebooters whose name
was a watchword of terror during the whole continuance of
the war.*
The year 1629 brought three formidable armies at once to
the frontiers of the republic, and caused a general dismay all
through the United Provinces : but the immense treasures
taken from the Spaniards, enabled them to make preparations
suitable to the danger; and Frederick Henry, supported by
his cousin William of Nassau, his natural brother Justin, and
other brave and experienced officers, defeated every effort of
the enemy. He took many towns in rapid succession ; and
finally forced the Spaniards to abandon all notion of invading
the territories of the republic. Deprived of the powerful
talents of Spinola, who was called to command the Spanish
troops in Italy, the armies of the archduchess, under the
count of Berg, were not able to cope with the genius of the
prince of Orange. The consequence was the renewal of ne-
gotiations for a second truce. But these were received on
the part of the republic with a burst of opposition. All parties
seemed decided on that point ; and every interest, however
opposed on minor questions, combined to give a positive nega-
tive on this.f
The gratitude of the country for the services of Frederick
Henry, induced the provinces of which he was stadtholder,
to grant the reversion in this title to his son, a child of three
years old ; and this dig-nity had every chance of becoming as
absolute, as it was now pronounced almost hereditary, by the
means of an army of 120,000 men devoted to their chief |
However, few military occurrences took place, the sea being
still chosen as the element best suited to the present enter-
prises of the republic. In the widely-distant settlements of
Brazil and Batavia, the Dutch were equally successful ; and
* Cerisier, &:c. t Vandervynct. J Cerisier.
218 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1()34
tlie East and West India companies acquired eminent power
and increasintj^ solidity.
The year 1631 was signalized by an expedition into Flan-
ders, consisting- of 18,000 men, intended against Dunkirk,
but hastily abandoned, in spite of every probability of suc-
cess, by the commissioners of the states-general, who accom-
panied the arn>y, and thwarted all the ardor and vigor of the
prince of Orange.* But another great naval victory in the
narrow seas of Zealand, recompensed the disappointments of
this inglorious afFair.f
The splendid victories of Augustus Adolphus against the
imperial arms in Germany, changed the whole face of Euro-
pean affairs. Protestantism began once more to raise its
head ; and the important conquests by Frederick Henry of
almost all the strong places on the Meuse, including Maes-
tricht, the strongest of all, gave the United Provinces their
ample share in the glories of the war. The death of the
archduchess Isabella, which took place at Brussels in the
year 1633, added considerably to the difficulties of Spain in
the Belgian provinces. The defection of the count of Berg,
the chief general of their armies, who was actuated by re-
sentment on the appointment of the marquis of St. Croix
over his head, threw every thing into confusion, in exposing
a wide-spread confederacy among the nobility of these prov-
inces to erect themselves into an independent republic,
strengthened by a perpetual alliance with the United Prov-
inces against the power of Spain. J But the plot failed,
chiefly, it is said, by the imprudence of the king of England,
who let the secret slip, fi'om some motives vaguely hinted at,
\)ut never sufficiently explained. 5 After the death of Isabella,
She prince of Brabancon was arrested. The prince of Epinoi
and the duke of Burnonville made their escape ; and the
duke of Arschot, who was arrested in Spain, was soon libe-
rated, in consideration of some discoveries into the nature of
the plot. An armistice, published in 16134, threw this whole
affair into complete oblivion. ||
The king of Spain appointed his brother Ferdinand, a car-
dinal and archbishop of Toledo, to the dignity of governor-
general of the Netherlands. He repaired to Germany at the
head of 17,000 men, and bore his share in the victory of Nord-
lingen ; after which he hastened to the Netherlands, and
made his entry into Brussels in 1634.*^ Richelieu had hith-
erto only combated the house of Austria in these countries
* Mem. of Fred. Henry, pp. 126—130. t Cerisier. J Vandervynct.
§ Burnet. |j Vandervynct. IF Idem.
1635. BATTLE NEAli A VEIN. 219
by negotiation and intrigue ; but he now entered warmly into
the proposals made by Holland, for a treaty offensive and de-
fensive between Louis XIII. and the republic. By a treaty
soon after concluded (8th February, 1635,) the king- of France
engaged to invade the Belgian provinces with an army of
30,000 men, in concert with a Dutch force of equal number.
It was agreed, that if Belgium would consent to break from
the Spanish yoke, it was to be erected into a free state: if,
on the contrary, it would not co-operate for its c.wti freedom,
France and Holland were to dismember, and :c tix\ ide it
equally.*
The plan of these combined measures was soon acted on.
The French army took the field under the command of the
marshals De Chatillon and De Breeze ; and defeated the
Spaniards in a bloody battle, near Avein, in the province of
Luxembourg, on the 20th of May, 1635, with the loss of
4000 men. The victors soon made a junction with the prince
of Orange ; and the towns of Tirlemont, St. Trend, and some
others, were quickly reduced. The former of these places
was taken by assault, and pillaged with circumstances of
cruelty that recall the horrors of the early transactions of
the war. The prince of Orange was forced to punish se-
verely the authors of these offences.f The consequences of
this event were highly injurious to the allies. A spirit of
fierce resistance was excited throughout the invaded prov-
inces. Louvain set the first example. The citizens and stu-
dents took arms for its defence ; and the combined forces of
France and Holland were repulsed, and forced by want of
supplies to abandon the siege, and rapidly retreat.| The
prince-cardinal, as Ferdinand was called, took advantage of
this reverse to press the retiring French ; recovered several
towns ; and gained all the advantages as well as glory of the
campaign. The remains of the French army, reduced by
continual combats, and still more by sickness, finally em-
barked at Rotterdam, to return to France in the ensuing
spring, a sad contrast to its brilliant appearance at the com-
mencement of the campaign.
The military events for several ensuing years, present
nothing of sufficient interest to induce us to record them in
detail. A perpetual succession of sieges and skirmishes afford
a monotonous picture of isolated courage and skill ; but we
see none of those great conflicts which bring out the genius
of opposing generals, and show war in its grand results, as
the decisive means of enslaving or emancipating mankind.
* Vandervynct. T Idem. j Idem.
220 HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS. 1639.
The prince-cardinal, one of the many who on this bloody the-
atre displayed consummate military talents, incessantly em-
ployed himself in incursions into the bordering- provinces of
France, ravaged Picardy, and filled Paris with fear and trem-
bling. He, however, reaped no new laurels when he came
into contact with Frederick Henry, who, on almost every oc-
casion, particularly that of the siege of Breda, in 1637,* car-
ried his object in spite of all opposition.. The triumphs of war
were balanced ; but Spain and the Belgian provinces, so long
upheld by the talent of the governor-general, were gradually
become exhausted. The revolution in Portugal, and the suc-
cession of the duke of Braganza, under the title of John IV.,
to the throne of his ancestors, struck a fatal blow to the power
of Spain. A strict alliance was concluded between the new
monarch of France and Holland ; and hostilities against the
common enemy were on all sides vigorously continued.
The successes of the republic at sea and in their distant
enterprises were continual, and in some instances brilliant.
Brazil was gradually filling into the power of the West India
company. The East India possessions were secure. The
great victory of Van Tromp, known by the name of the battle
of the Downs, from being fought off the coast of England, on
the 21st of October, 1639, raised the naval reputation of Hol-
land as high as it could well be carried. Fifty ships taken,
burned, and sunk, were the proofs of their admiral's triumph ;
and the Spanish navy never recovered the loss. The victory
was celebrated throughout Europe, and Van Tromp was the
hero of the day. The king of England was, however, highly
indignant at the hardihood with which the Dutch admiral
broke through the etiquette of territorial respect, and destroyed
his country's bitter foes under the very sanction of English
neutrality. But the subjects of Charles I. did not partake their
monarch's feelings. f They had no sympathy with arbitrary
and tyrannic government ; and their joy at the misfortune of
their old enemies the Spaniards gave a fair warning of the
spirit which afterwards proved so fatal to the infatuated king,
who on this occasion would have protected and aided them.
In an unsuccessful enterprise ui Flanders, count Henry
Casimir of Nassau was mortally wounded, adding another to
the list of those of that illustrious family whose lives were
lost in the service of their country.^ His brother, count Wil-
liam Frederick, succeeded him in his office of stadtholder of
* Mem. de Fred. Henry, p. 196. t Cerisier.
t Mem. de Fred. Henry.
1641. CONTINUANCE OF HOSTILITIES. 221
Friesland ; but the same dignity in the provinces of Gronin^en
and Drent devolved on the prince of Orange. The latter had
conceived the desire of a royal alliance for his son William.
Charles I. readily assented to the proposal of the states-gen-
eral, that this young prince should receive the hand of his
daughter Mary. Embassies were exchanged ; the conditions
of the contract agreed on ; but it was not till two years later
that Van Tromp, with an escort of twenty ships, conducted
the princess, then twelve years old, to the country of her fu-
ture husband. The republic did not view with an eye quite
favorable, this advancing aggrandizement of the house of Or-
ange. Frederick Henry had shortly before been dignified by
the king of France, at the suggestion of Richelieu, with the
title of " highness," instead of the inferior one of " excel-
lency;" and the states-general, jealous of this distinction
granted to their chief magistrate, adopted for themselves the
sounding appellation of " high and mighty lords." The prince
of Orange, whatever might have been his private views of
ambition, had, however, the prudence to silence all suspicion,
by the mild and moderate use which he made of the power,
which he might perhaps have wished to increase, but never
attempted to abuse.
On the 9th of November, 1641, the prince-cardinal Ferdi-
nand died at Brussels in his thirty-third year ; another in-
stance of those who were cut off, in the very vigor of man-
hood, from worldly dignities and the exercise of the painful
and inauspicious duties of governor-general of the Nether-
lands. Don Francisco de Mello, a nobleman of highly reputed
talents, was the next who obtained this onerous situation.
He commenced his governorship by a succession of military
operations, by which, like most of his predecessors, he is
alone distinguished. Acts of civil administration are scarcely
noticed by the historians of these men. Not one of them,
with the exception of the archduke Albert, seems to have
valued the internal interests of the government ; and he alone,
perhaps, because they were declared and secured as his own,
De Mello, after taking some towns, and defeating the marshal
de Guiche in the battle of Hannecourt, tarnished all his fame
by the great faults which he committed in the famous battle
of Rocroy. The duke of Enghien, then twenty-one years of
age, and subsequently so celebrated as the great Conde, com
pletely defeated De Mello, and nearly annihilated the Spanish
and Walloon infantry. The military operations of the Dutch
army were this year only remarkable by the gallant conduct
of prince William, son of the nrince of Orange, who, not yet
222 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1642
seventeen years of age, defeated, near Hulst, under the eyes
of his father, a Spanish detachment in a very warm skirmish.*
Considerable changes were now insensibly operating in
the policy of Europe. Cardinal Richelieu had finished his
dazzling but tempestuous career of government, in w^hich the
hand of death arrested him on the 4th of December, 1642.
Louis XIII. soon followed to the grave him who was rather
his master than his minister. Anne of Austria was declared
regent during the minority of her son, Louis XIV., then only
five years of age : and cardinal Mazarin succeeded to the sta-
tion "from which death alone had power to remove his prede-
cessor.f
The civil wars in England now broke out, and their terri-
ble results seemed to promise to the republic the undisturbed
sovereignty of the seas. The prince of Orange received with
great distinction the mother-in-law of his son, when she came
to Holland under pretext of conducting her daughter : but her
principal purpose was to obtain, by the sale of the crown jew-
els and the assistance of Frederick Henry, funds for the sup-
ply of her unfortunate husband's cause.J The prince and
several private individuals contributed largely in money ; and
several experienced officers passed over to serve in the royal-
ist army of England. The provincial states of Holland, how-
ever, sympathizing wholly with the parliament, remonstrated
with the stadtholder ; and the Dutch colonists encouraged the
hostile eflTorts of their brethren, the Puritans of Scotland, by
all the absurd exhortations of fanatic zeal. Boswell, the Eng-
lish resident in the name of the king, and Strictland, the am-
bassador from the parliament, kept up a constant succession
of complaints and remonstrances on occasion of every incident
which seemed to balance the conduct of the republic in the
great question of English politics. ^ Considerable differences
existed : the province of Holland, and some others, leant to-
wards the parliament ; the prince of Orange favored the king;
and the states-general endeavored to maintain a neutrality.
The struggle was still furiously maintained in Germany,
Generals of the first order of military talent were continually
appearing", and successively eclipsing each other by their
brilliant actions : — Gustavus Adolphus was killed in the midst
of his glorious career, at the battle of Lutzen ; the duke of
Weimar succeeded to his command, and proved himself wor-
thy of the place ; Tilly and the celebrated Walstein were no
longer on the scene. The emperor Ferdinand II. was dead ;
and his son Ferdinand III. saw his victorious enemies threaten,
♦ M6ni. dc Fred Henry. t Cerisier, J Idem. ? Ceiisier.
1644. FINANCIAL EMBARRASSMENTS. 223
at last, the existence of the empire. Every thing- tended to
make peace necessary to some of the contending powers, as
it was at leng-th desirable for all. Sweden and Denmark
were engaged iii a bloody and wasteful conflict. The United
Provinces sent an embassy, in the month of June, 1644, to
each of those powers; and by a vigorous demonstration of
their resolution to assist Sweden, if Denmark proved refrac-
tory, a peace was signed the following year, which termina-
ted the disputes of the rival nations.*
Negotiations were now opened at Munster between the
several belligerents. The republic was, however, the last to
send its plenipotentiaries there ; having signed a new treaty
with France, by which they mutually stipulated to make no
peace independent of each other. It behoved the republic,
however, to contribute as much as possible towards the gen-
eral object ; for, among other strong motives to that line of
conduct, the finances of Holland were in a state perfectly de-
plorable.
Every year brought the necessity of a new loan ; and the
public debt of the provinces now amounted to 150,000,000
florins, bearing interest at 6;^ per cent.f Considerable alarm
was excited at the progress of the French army in the Bel-
gian provinces ; and escape from the tyranny of Spain seemed
only to lead to the danger of submission to a nation too power-
ful and too close at hand not to be dang-erous, either as a foe
or an ally. These fears were increased by the knowledge
that cardinal Mazarin projected a marriage between Louis
XIV. and the infanta of Spain, with the Belgian provinces,
or Spanish Netherlands as they were now called, for her
marriage portion. | This project was confided to the prince of
Orange, under the seal of secrecy, and he was offered the
marquisate of Antwerp as the price of his influence towards
eftecting" the plan. The prince revealed the whole to the
states-general. Great fermentation was excited : the stadt-
holder himself was blamed, and suspected of complicity with
the designs of the cardinal. Frederick Henry was deeply
hurt at this want of confidence, and the injurious publications
which openly assailed his honor in a point where he felt him-
self entitled to praise instead of suspicion.
The French labored to remove the impression whicli tliis
affair excited in the republic : but the states-general felt
themselves justified by the intriguing policy of Mazarin in
entering into a secret negotiation with the king of Spain,
who offered very favorable conditions. The negotiations
* Cerisier f Idein J Negoc. Seer. t. iii. p. 14. &c.
224 HISTORY OF tub Netherlands. 1648.
were considerably advanced by the marked disposition evinced
by the prince of Orange to hasten the establishment of peace.
Yet, at this very period, and while anxiously wishing this
great object, he could not resist the desire for another cam-
paign ; one more exploit, to signalize the epoch at which he
finally placed his sword in the scabbard. Frederick Henry
was essentially a soldier, with all the spirit of his race ; and
this evidence of the ruling passion, while he touched the
verge of the grave, is one of the most striking points of his
character. He accordingly took the field ; but, with a con-
stitution broken by a lingering disease, he was little fitted to
accomplish any feat worthy of his splendid reputation. He
failed in an attempt on Venlo, and anotlier on Antwerp, and
retired to the Hague, where for some months he rapidly de-
clined. On the^l4th of March, 1647, he expired, in his
sixty-third year ; leaving behind him a character of unblem-
ished integrity, prudence, toleration, and valor. He was not
of that impetuous stamp which leads men to heroic deeds,
and brings danger to the states whose liberty is compromised
by their ambition. He was a striking contrast to his brother
Maurice, and more resembled his father m many of those
calmer qualities of the mind, which make men more beloved
without lessening their claims to admiration. Frederick
Henry had the honor of completing the glorious task which
William began and Maurice followed up. He saw the oppres-
sion they had combated now humbled and overtlirown ; and
he forms the third in a sequence of family renown, the most
surprising and the least chequered afforded by the annals of
Europe.
William H. succeeded his father in his dignities; and his
ardent spirit longed to rival him in war. He turned his en-
deavors to thwart all the efforts for peace. But the interests
of the nation and the dying wishes of Frederick Henry were
of too powerful influence with the states, to be overcome by
the martial yearnings of an inexperienced youth. The nego-
tiations were pressed forward ; and, despite the complamts,
the murmurs, and the intrigues of France, the treaty of
Munster was finally signed by the respective ambassadors of
the United Provinces and Spain, on the 30th of January
1648. This celebrated treaty contains seventy-nine articles.
Three points were of main and vital importance to the repub-
lic : the first acloiowledges an ample and entire recognition
of the sovereignty of the states-general, and a renunciation
for ever of all claims on the part of Spain ; the second con-
firms the rights of trade and navigation in the East and West
Indies, with the possession of the various countries and
1648. TKEATV OF MLNSTKK. 22b
stations then actually occupied by the contracting- powers; the
third D-uaranties a like possession of all the provinces and
towns of the Netherlands, as they then stood in their respec-
tive occupation, — a clause highly favorable to the republic,
which had conquered several considerable places in Brabant
and Flanders. The ratifications of the treaty were excJianged
at Munster with great solemnity on the 15th of May follow
ing- the signature ; the peace was published in that town and
in Osnaburg on the 19th, and m all the different states of
the king of Spain and the United Provinces as soon as the
joyous intelligence could reach such various and widely
separated destinations.* Thus, after eighty years of unparal-
leled warflire, only interrupted by the truce of 1609, during
which hostilities had not ceased in the Indies, the new re-
public rose from the horrors of civil war and foreign tyranny
to its uncontested rank as a free and independent state among
the most powerful nations of Europe. No country had ever
done more for glory ; and the result of its efforts was the
irrevocable guarantee of civil and religious liberty, the great
aim and end of civilization.
The king of France alone had reason to complain of this
treaty : his resentment was strongly pronounced. But the
United Provinces flung back the reproaches of his ambassador
on cardinal Mazarin; and the anger of the monarch was
smothered by the policy of the minister.
The internal tranquillity of the republic was secured from
all future alarm by the conclusion of the general peace of
Westphalia, definitively signed the 24th of October, 1648.
This treaty was long considered not only as the fundamental
law of the empire, but as the basis of the political system of
Europe. As numbers of conflicting interests were reconciled,
Germanic liberty secured, and a just equilibrium estabhshed
between the Catholics and Protestants, France and Sweden
obtained great advantages ; and the various princes of the em-
pire saw their possessions regulated and secured, at the same
time that the powers of the emperor were strictly defined.
This great epoch in European history naturally marks the
conclusion of another in that of the iVetherlands ; and this
period of general repose allows a brief consideration of the
progress of arts, sciences, and manners, during the half cen-
tury just now completed.
The archdukes xAlbert and Isabella, during the whole course
of their sovereignty, labored to remedy the abuses which had
crowded the administration of justice. The perpetual edicts
* Vandervynct
226 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1648.
in IGll, rejifulated the form of judicial proceedings ; and
several provinces received new charters, by which the privi-
leges of the people were placed on a footing in harmony with
their wants. Anarcliy, in short, gave place to regular govern-
ment ; and the archdukes, in swearing to maintain the cele-
brated pact known by the name of the Joyeuse Entree, did
all in their power to satisfy their subjects, while securing
their own authority. The piety of the archdukes ga\e an
example to all classes. This, although degenerating in the
vulgar to superstition and bigotry, formed a severe check,
whfch allowed their rulers to restrain popular excesses, and
enabled them in the internal quiet of their despotism to soften
the people by the encouragement of the sciences and arts.
Medicine, astronomy, and mathematics, made prodigious pro-
gress during this ejxjch. Several eminent men flourisherl in
the Netherlands. But the glory of others, in countries
presenting a wider theatre for their renown, in many in-
stances eclipsed them ; and the inventoi*s of new methods
and systems in anatomy, optics, and music, were almost for-
gotten in the splendid improvements of their followers.
In literature, Hugo de Groot, or Grotius, (his Latinized
name, by which he is better kno\vn,) was the most brilliant
star of his country or his age, as Erasmus was of that which
preceded. He w^as at once eminent as jurist, poet, theologian,
and historian. His erudition was immense ; and he brought
it to bear in his political capacity, as ambassador from Sweden
to the court of France, when the violence of party and the
injustice of power condemned him to perpetual imprisonment
in his native land. The religious disputations in Holland had
given a great impulse to talent. They were not mere theo-
logical arguments ; but with the wild and furious abstractions
of bigotry were often blended various illustrations from his-
tory, art, and science, and a tone of keen and delicate satire,
which at once relined and made them readable. It is remark-
able, that almost the whole of the Latin writings of this
period abound in good taste, while those written in the vulgar
tongue are chiefly coarse and trivial. Vondel and Hooft, the
great poets of the time, wrote witli genius and energy, but
were deficient in judgment founded on good taste.* The
latter of these writers was also distinguished for his prose
works ; in honor of which Louis XIII. dignified him with
letters patent of nobility, and decorated him with the order
of St. Michael.
But while Holland was more particularly distinguished by
* Van Al|KMi, Cerisier, (fee.
1648. AKTS AND SCIEN('ES. 227
the progress of the mechanical arts, to which prince Maurice
afforded unbounded patronage, the Belgian provinces gave
birth to that galaxy of genius in the art of painting, which
no equal period of any other country has ever rivalled. A
volume like this would scarcely suffice to do justice to the
merits of the eminent artists who now flourished in Belgium;
at once founding, perfecting, and immortalizing the Flemish
school of painting. Rubens, Vandyck, Teniers, Grayer, Jor-
daens, Sneyders, and a host of other great names, crowd on
us, with claims for notice that almost make the mention of
any an injustice to the rest. But Europe is familiar with
their fame ; and the wide-spread taste for their delicious art
makes them independent of other record than the combina-
tion of their own exquisite touch, undying tints, and une-
qualled knowledge of nature. Engraving, carried at the same
time to great perfection, has multiplied some of the merits
of the celebrated painters, w^hile stamping the reputation of
its own professors. Sculpture also had its votaries of consid-
erable note. Among these, Des Jardins and Quesnoy held
the foremost station. Architecture also produced some re-
markable names.
The arts were, in short, never held in higher honor than
at this brilliant epoch. Otto-Venire, the master of Rubens,
held most important employments. Rubens himself, appoint-
ed secretary to the privy-council of the archdukes, was sub-
sequently sent to England, where he negotiated the peace
between that country and Spain. The unfortunate king
Charles so highly esteemed his merit, that he knighted him
in full parliament, and presented him with the diamond ring
he wore on his own finger, and a chain enriched with bril-
liants. David Teniers, the great pupil of this distinguished
master, met his due share of honor. He has left several por-
traits of himself; one of w^hich hands him down to posterity,
in the costume, and with the decorations of the belt and key,
which he wore in his capacity of chamberlain to the arch-
duke Leopold, governor-general of the Spanish Netherlands.
The intestine disturbances of Holland during the twelve
years' truce, and the enterprises against Friesland and the
duchy of Cleves, had prevented that wise economy which
was expected from the republic. The annual ordinary cost
of the military establishm.ent at that period amounted to
13,000,000 florins. To meet the enormous expenses of the
state, taxes Vv^ere raised on every material. They produced
about 30,000,000 florins a year, independent of 5,000,000
each for the East and West India companies. The population
228 HISTORV OF THE NETUEKLANDS. 1(545^.
in 1620, in Holland, was about 600,000, and the other prov-
inces contained about the same number.
It is sinfrular to observe tlie fertile erections of monopoly
in a state founded on principles of commercial freedom. The
East and West India companies, the Greenland company, and
others, were successively formed. By the effect of their en-
terprise, mdustry, and wealth, conquests were made and colo-
nies founded with surprising- rapidity. The town of Amster-
dam, now New- York, was founded in 1624; and the East
saw Batavia rise up from the ruins of Jacatra, which was
sacked and razed by the Dutch adventurers.
The Dutch and English East India companies, repressing
their mutual jealousy, formed a species of partnership in
1619 for the reciprocal enjoyment of the rights of commerce.
But four years later than this date an event took place so
fatal to national confidence that its impressions are scarcely
yet effaced ; — this was the torturing and execution of several
Englishmen in the island of Amboyna, on pretence of an un-
proved plot, of which every probability leads to the belief
that they were wholly innocent. This circumstance was tlic
strongest stimulant to the hatred so evident in the bloody
wars which not long afterwards took place between the two
nations ; and the lapse of two centuries has not entirely ef-
faced its effects. Much has been at various periods written
for and against the establishment of monoix)lizing companies,
by which individual Vvealth and skill are excluded from their
chances of reward. With reference to those of Holland at
this period of its history, it is sufficient to remark that the
great results of their formation could never have been
brought about by isolated enterprises ; and the justice or wis-
dom of their continuance are questions wholly dependent on
the fluctuations in trade, and the effects produced on that of
any given country by the progress and the rivalry of others.
With respect to the state of manners in the republic, it is
clear that the jealousies and emulation of commerce were not
likely to lessen the vice of avarice with which the natives
have been reproached. The following is a strong expression
of one, who cannot, however, be considered an unprejudiced
observer, on occasion of some disputed points between the
Dutch and English maritime tribunals: — " The decisions of
our courts cause much ill-will among these people, whose
hearts' blood is their purse."* While drunkenness was a vice
considered scarcely scandalous, the intrigues of gallantry
were concealed w4th the most scrupulous mystery, — giving
* Carleton.
1648. MANNERS OF THE I'EOl'LE. 229
evidence of at least good taste, if not of pure morality. Court
etiquette began to be of infinite importance. The wife of
count Ernest Casimir of Nassau was so intent on tlie preser-
vation of her right of precedence, that on occasion of lady
Carleton, the British ambassadress, presuming to dispute the
pas, she forgot true dignity so far as to strike her. We may
imagine the vehement resentment of such a man as Carleton
for such an outrage. The lower orders of the people had
the rude and brutal manners common to half-civilized nations
which fight their way to freedom. The unfortunate king of
Bohemia, when a refugee in Holland, was one day hunting ;
and, in the heat of the chase, he followed his dogs which had
pursued a hare, into a newly sown corn-field : he was quickly
interrupted by a couple of peasants armed with pitchforks.
He supposed his rank and person to be unknown to them ;
but he was soon undeceived, and saluted with unceremonious
reproaches. " King of Bohemia ! King of Bohemia !" shout-
ed one of the boors, " why do you trample on my wheat which
I have so lately had the trouble of sowing V The king made
many apologies, and retired, throwing the whole blame on
his dogs. But in the life of marshal Turenne we find a more
marked trait of manners than this, which might be paralleled
in England at this day. This great general served his ap-
prenticeship in the art of war under his uncles, the princes
Maurice and Frederick Henry. He appeared one day on the
public walk at the Hague, dressed in his usual plain and
modest style. Some young French lords, covered with gold,
embroidery, and ribands, met and accosted him : a mob gath-
ered round ; and w^hile treating Turenne, although unknown
to them, with all possible respect, they forced the others to
retire, assailed with mockery and the coarsest abuse.
But one characteristic, more noble and worthy than any of
those thus briefly cited, was the full enjoyment of the liberty
of the press in the United Provinces. The thirst of gain, the
fury of faction, the federal independence of the minor towns,
the absolute power of prince Maurice, all the combinations
which might carry weight against this grand principle, were
totally ineffectual to prevail over it. And the republic was,
on this point, proudly pre-eminent among surrounding nations.
230 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDa. 1649.
CHAP. XIX.
1648—1678.
FROM THE PEACE OF MUXSTER TO THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN.
The completion of the peace of Munster opens a new
scene in the history of the republic. Its political system ex-
perienced considerable chang-es. Its ancient enemies became
its most ardent friends, and its old allies loosened the bonds
of long'-continned amity. The other states of Europe, dis-
pleased at its imperious conduct, or jealous of its success, be-
gan to wish its humiliation ; but it was little thoug-ht that the
consummation was to be effected at the hands of England.
While Holland prepared to profit by the peace so bril-
liantly gained, England, torn by civil war, was hurried on in
crime and misery, to the final act which lias left an indelible
stain on her annals. Cromwell and the parliament had com-
pletely subjugated the kingdom. The unfortunate king, de-
livered up by the Scotch, was brought to a mock trial, and
condemned to an ignominious death. Great as were his faults,
they are almost lost sight of in the atrocity of his opponents;
so surely does disproportioned punishment for political of-
fences produce a reaction in the minds that would approve a
commensurate penalty. The United Provinces had preserved
a strict neutrality while the contest was undecided. The
prince of Orange warmly strove to obtain a declaration in
favor of his father-in-law, Charles I. The prince of Wales
and the duke of York, his sons, who had taken refuge at the
Hague, earnestly jomed in the entreaty; but all that could
be obtained from the states-general, was their consent to an
embassy to interpose with the ferocious bigots who doomed
the hapless monarch to the block. Pauw and Joachimi, the
one sixty-four years of age, the other eighty-eight, the most
able men of the republic, undertook the task of mediation.
They were scarcely listened to by the parliament, and the
bloody sacrifice took place.
The details of this event, and its immediate consequences,
belong to English history ; and we must hurry over the brief,
turbid, and inglorious stadtholderate of William II., to arrive
at the more interesting contest between the republic which
had honorably conquered its freedom, and that of the rival
commonwealth, which had gained its power by hypocrisy,
violence, and guilt.
1650. WILLIA.M II. ^'Sl
William II. was now in his twenty-fourth year. He had
early evinced that heroic disposition which was common to
his race. He panted for military glory. All his pleasures
were those usual to ardent and hio-h-spirited men, although
his delicate constitution seemed to forbid tlie indulgence of
hunting, tennis, and the other violent exercises in which he
delighted. He was highly accomplished ; spoke five different
languages with elegance and fluency ; and had made consid-
erable progress in mathematics, and other abstract sciences.
His ambition knew no bounds. Had he reigned over a mon-
archy as absolute king, he would most probably have gone
down to posterity a conqueror and a hero. But, unfitted to
direct a republic as its first citizen, he has left but the name
of a rash and unconstitutional magistrate. From the moment
of his accession to power, he was made sensible of the jealousy
and suspicion with whicli his office and his character were
observed by the provincial states of Holland. Many instances
of this disposition were accumulated to his great disgust ;
and he was not long in evincing his determination to brave
all the odium and reproach of despotic designs, and to risk
every thing for the establishment of absolute power. The
province of Holland, arrogating to itself the greatest share
in the reforms of the army, and the financial arrangements
called for by tlie transition from war to peace, was soon in
fierce opposition with the states-general, which supported the
prince in his early views. Cornelius Bikker, one of the bur-
gomasters of Amsterdam, was the leading person in the states
of Holland ; and a circumstance soon occurred which put him
and the stadtholder in collision, and quickly decided the great
question at issue.
The admiral Cornellizon de Witt arrived from Brazil with
the remains of his fleet, and without the consent of the coun-
cil of regency there established by the states-general. He
was instantly arrested by order of the prince of Orange, in
his capacity of high-admiral. The admiralty of Amsterdam
was at the same time ordered by the states-general to im-
prison six of the captains of this fleet. The states of Holland
maintained that this was a violation of their provincial rights,
and an illegal assumption of power on the part of the states-
general; and the magistrates of Amsterdam forced the prison
doors, and set the captains at liberty. William, backed by
the authority of the states-general, now put himself at the
head of a deputation from that body, and made a rapid tour
of visitation to the different chief towns of the republic, to
sound the depths of public opinion on the matters in dispute.
The deputation met with varied success ; but the result
'd'S2 jiiSTORi' oi' iiiE M:'i»[i;jii.A-\ D?. 1G3U.
proved to the irritated prince tliat no measures of compromise
were to be expected, and that force alone was to arbitrate
the question. The army was to a man devoted to him. Tlie
states-general gave him their entire, and somewhat servile,
support. He, therefore, on his own authority, arrested the
six deputies of Holland, in the same way that his uncle ]Mau-
rice had seized on Barne veldt, Grotius, and the others; and
they were immediately conveyed to the castle of Louvestein.
In adopting this bold and unauthorized measure, he de-
cided on an immediate attempt to gain possession of the city
of Amsterdam, the central point of opposition to his violent
designs. William Frederick, count of Nassau, stadtholder
of Friesland, at the head of a numerous detachment of troops,
marched secretly and by night to surprise the town : but the
darkness, and a violent thunder-storm having caused the
greater number to lose their way, the count found himself at
dawn at the city gates with a very insufficient force ; and had
the farther mortification to see the walls well manned, the
cannon pointed, the drawbridges raised, and every thing in a
state of defence. The courier from Hamburgh, who had
passed through the scattered bands of soldiers during the
night, had given the alarm. The first notion was, that a
roving band of Swedish or Lorraine troops, attracted by the
opulence of Amsterdam, had resolved on an attempt to seize
and pillage it. The magistrates could scarcely credit the
evidence of day, which showed them the count of Nassau,
and his force on their hostile mission. A short conference
with the deputies from the citizens, convinced him that a
speedy retreat was the only measure of safety for himself
and his force, as the sluices of the dikes were in part opened,
and a threat of submerging the intended assailants only re-
quired a moment more to be enforced.
Nothing could exceed the disappointment and irritation of
the prince of Orange consequent on this transaction. He at
first threatened, then negotiated, and finally patched up the
matter in a manner the least mortifying to his wounded
pride. Bikker nobly offered himself for a peace-offering, and
voluntarily resigned his employments in the city he had
saved ; and De Witt and his officers were released. Wil-
liam was in some measure consoled for his disgrace by the
condolence of the army, the thanks of the province of Zeal
and, and a new treaty with France, strengthened by prom-
ises of future support from cardinal Mazarm ; but, before he
could profit by these encouraging symptoms, domestic and
foreign, a premature death cut short all his projects of am-
bition. Over-violent exercise in a ^ihootjnff narty in Guelders.
1()5U. DEATH OF WILLIAM II. ii33
brought on a fever, which soon terminated in an attack of
small-pox. On the first appearance of his illness, he was re-
moved to the Hague ; and he died there on the 6th of No-
vember, 1650, aged twenty-four years and six months.*
The death of this prince left the state without a stadt-
holder, and the army without a chief The whole of Europe
shared more or less in the joy or the regret it caused. The
epublican party, both in Holland and in England, rejoiced in
a circumstance wiiich threw back the sovereign power into
the hands of the nation ;f the partisans of the house of Orange
deeply lamented the event. But the birth of a son, of which
the widowed princess of Orange was delivered within a week
of her husband's death, revived the hopes of those who mourn-
ed his loss, and offered her the only consolation which could
assuage her grief This child was, however, the innocent
cause of a breach between his mother and grandmother, the
dowager princess, who had never been cordially attached to
each other.J Each claimed the guardianship of the young
prince ; and the dispute was at length decided by the States,
who adjudged the important office to the elector of Branden-
burgh and the two princesses jointly. 5 The states of Holland
soon exercised their influence on the other provinces. Many
of the prerogatives of the stadtholder were now assumed by
the people ; and, with the exception of Zealand, which made
an ineffectual attempt to name the infant prince to the digni-
ty of his ancestors under the title of William. TIL, a perfect
unanimity seemed to have reconciled all opposing interests.
The various towns secured the privileges of appointing their
own magistrates, and the direction of the army and navy de-
volved to the states-general.
The time was now arrived when the wisdom, the courage,
and the resources of the republic were to be put once more
to the test, in a contest hitherto without example, and never
since equalled in its nature. The naval wars between Hol-
land and England had their real source in the inveterate
jealousies and unbounded ambition of both countries, recipro-
cally convinced that a joint supremacy at sea was incompatible
with their interests and their honor, and each resolved to risk
every thing for their mutual pretensions — to perish rather
than yield. The United Provinces were assuredly not the
aggressors in this quarrel. They had made sure of their ca-
pability to meet it, by the settlement of all questions of in-
ternal government, and the solid peace which secured them
* Wicquefort, Cerisier, &c. t Milton, Defens. Pop. Angl.
J Wicquefort, liv. i. p. 781. § Cerisier.
:^^34 HISTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1652.
against any attack on the part of their old and inveterate
enemy : but they did not seek a rupture. They at first en-
deavoured to ward off the threatened dang-er by every effort
of conciliation ; and they met, with temperate management,
even the advances made by Cromwell, at the instigation of
St. John, the chief justice, for a proposed, yet impracticable
coalition between the two republics, which was to make
them one and indivisible. An embassy to the Hague, with
St. John and Strickland at its head, was received with ail
public honors ; but the partisans of the families of Orange
and Stuart, and the populace generally, openly insulted the
ambassadors.* About the same time Dorislas, a Dutchman
naturalized in England, and sent on a mission from the par-
liament, was murdered at the Hague by some Scotch officers,
friends of the banished king ; the massacre of Amboyna,
thirty years before, was made a cause of revived complaint ;
and altogether a sum of injuries was easily made up to turn
the proposed fantastic coalition into a fierce and bloody war.f
The parliament of England soon found a pretext in an out-
rageous measure, under pretence of providmg for the inter-
ests of commerce. They passed the celebrated act of navi-
gation, which prohibited all nations from importing into
England in their ships any commodity which w^as not the
growth and manufacture of their own country. This lav\',
though w^orded generally, was aimed directly at the Dutch,
who were the general factors and carriers of Europe. | Ships
were seized, reprisals made, the mockery of negotiation car-
ried on, fleets equipped, and at length the war broke out.
In the month of May, 1652, the Dutch admiral Tromp,
commanding forty-two ships of war, met with the English
fleet under Blake in the straits of Dover; the latter, though
much inferior in number, gave a signal to the Dutch admiral
to strike, the usual salutation of honor accorded to the Eng-
lish during the monarchy. Totally different versions have been
given by the two admirals of what followed. Blake insisted
that Tromp, instead of complying, fired a broadside at his
vessel; 5 Tromp stated that a second and a third bullet were
sent promptly from the British ship while he was preparing
to obey the admiral's claim. |] The discharge of the first
broadside is also a matter of contradiction, and of course of
doubt. But it is of small consequence ; for whether hostili-
ties had been hurried on or delayed, they were ultimately
inevitable. A bloody battle began : it lasted five hours. The
* Clarendon, vol. v. p. 168. t Hume. J Idem, vol. vij. p 211.
§ Idem, vol. vii. p. 212. |.i Wicquefort, liv. vi. p. 323.
1(553. NAVAL WAR WITH ENGLAND. 235
inferiority in number on tlie side of the English was balanced
by the larger size of their ships. One Dutch vessel was
sunk ; another taken ; and night parted the combatants.
The states-general heard the news with consternation:*
they dispatched the grand pensionary Pauw on a special em-
bassy to London. The imperious parliament would hear of
neither reason nor remonstrance. f Right or wrong, they
were resolved on war. Blake was soon at sea again with a
numerous fleet ; Tromp followed with a hundred ships ; but
a violent tempest separated these furious enemies, and re-
tarded for a while the rencounter they mutually longed for.
On the 16th of August a battle took place between Sir George
Ayscue and the renowned De Ruyter, near Plymouth, each
with about forty ships ; but with no decisive consequences.
On the 28th of October, Blake, aided by Bourn and Pen, met
a Dutch squadron of nearly equal force oft' the coast of Kent,
under De Ruyter and De Witt. The fight which followed
was also severe, but not decisive, though the Dutch had the
worst of the day. In the Mediterranean, the Dutch admiral
Van Galen defeated the English captain Baddely, but bouglit
the victory with his life. And, on the 29th of November,
another bloody conflict took place between Blake and Tromp
seconded by De Ruyter, near the Goodwin Sands. In this
determined action Blake was wounded and defeated ; five
English ships taken, burnt, or sunk; and night saved the
fleet from destruction. After this victory Tromp placed a
broom at his mast-head, as if to intimate that he would sweep
the channel free of all English ships,]:
Great preparations were made in England to recover this
disgrace ; eighty sail put to sea under Blake, Dean, and
Monk, so celebrated subsequently as the restorer of the mon-
archy. Tromp and De Ruyter, with seventy-six vessels,
were descried on the 18th of February, escorting three hun-
dred merchantmen up Channel. Three days of desperate
fighting ended in the defeat of the Dutch, who lost ten ships
of war and twenty-four merchant vessels. Several of the
English ships were disabled, one sunk ; and the carnage on
both sides was nearly equal. Tromp acquired prodigious
honor by this battle ; having succeeded, though defeated, in
saving, as has been seen, almost the whole of his immense
convoy. On the 12th of June and the day following two
other actions were fought: in the first of which the English
admiral Dean was killed; in the second, Monk, Pen, and
♦ Cerisier. t Hume. ^ Idem,
236 HISTORY OF TUK NETHERLANDS. 1653.
Lawson amply reveng-ed his death, by forcing the Dutch to
regain their harbors with great loss.
The 21st of July was the last of these bloody and obstinate
conflicts for superiority. Tromp issued out once more, deter-
mined to conquer or die. He met the enemy off Scheveling,
commanded by Monk. Both fleets rushed to the combat. The
heroic Dutchman, animating his sailors wdth his sword drawn,
was shot through the heart wath a musket-ball. This event,
and this alone, won the battle, which was the most decisive
of the whole war. The enemy captured or sunk nearly
thirty ships. The body of Tromp was carried with great
solemnity to the church of Delft, where a magnificent mau-
soleum w^as erected over the remains of this eminently brave
and distinguished man.
This memorable defeat, and the death of this great naval
hero, added to the injury done to their trade, induced the
states-general to seek terms from their too powerful enemy.
The want of peace w^as felt throughout the whole country.
Cromwell was not averse to grant it ; but he insisted on con-
ditions every way disadvantageous and humiliating. He had
revived his chimerical scheme of a total conjunction of gov-
ernment, privileges, and interests between the two republics.
This was firmly rejected by John de Witt, now grand pen-
sionary of Holland, and by the States under his influence.
But the Dutch consented to a defensive league ; to punish
the survivors of those concerned in the massacre of Amboyna;
to pay 9000/. of indemnity for vessels seized in the Sound,
5000/. for the afiair of Amboyna, and 85,000/. to the English
East India company ; to cede to them the island of Polerone
in the East ; to yield the honor of the national flag to the
English ; and, finally, that neither the young prince of Orange
nor any of his family should ever be invested with the dig-
nity of stadtholder.* These two latter conditions were cer-
tainly degrading to Holland ; and the conditions of the treaty
prove that an absurd point of honor was the only real cause
for the short but bloody and ruinous war which plunged the
Provinces into overwhelming difficulties.
For several years after the conclusion of this inglorious
peace, universal discontent and dissension spread throughout
the republic. The supporters of the house of Orange, and
every impartial friend of the national honor, were indignant
at the act of exclusion. Murmurs and revolts broke out in
several towns ; and all was once more tumult, agitation, and
doubt. No event of considerable importance marks particu-
* Hume, vol. vii. p. 236.
1656. HOSTILITIES WITH SWEDEN. 2J37
larly this epoch of domestic trouble. A new war was at last
pronounced inevitable, and was the means of appeasing the
distractions of the people, and reconciling by degrees con-
tending parties. Denmark, the ancient ally of the republic,
was threatened with destruction by Charles Gustavus king
of Sweden, who held Copenhagen in blockade. The interests
of Holland were in immment peril should the Swedes gain
the passage of the Sound. This double motive influenced
De Witt ; and he persuaded the states-general to send admiral
Opdam with a considerable fleet to the Baltic. This intrepid
successor of the immortal Tromp soon came to blows with a
rival worthy to meet him. Wrangel the Swedish admiral,
with a superior force, defended the passage of the Sound ;
and the two castles of Cronenberg and Elsenberg supported
his fleet with their tremendous fire. But Opdam resolutely
advanced : though sufifering extreme anguish from an attack
of gout, he had himself carried on deck, where he gave his
orders with the most admirable coolness and precision, in the
midst of danger and carnage. The rival monarchs witnessed
the battle ; the kmg of Sweden from the castle of Cronen-
berg, and the king of Denmark from the summit of the
highest tower in his besieged capital. A brilliant victory
crowned the eflbrts of the Dutch admiral, dearly bought by
the death of his second in command the brave De Witt, and
Peter Florizon another admiral of note. Relief was poured
into Copenhagen. Opdam was replaced in the command, too
arduous for his infirmities, by the still more celebrated De
Ruyter, who was greatly distinguished by his valor in several
successive affairs : and after some months more of useless ob-
stinacy, the king of Sweden, seeing his army perish in the
island of Funen, by a combined attack of those of Holland
and Denmark, consented to a peace highly favorable to the
latter power.*
These transactions placed the United Provinces on a still
higher pinnacle of glory than they had ever reached. Intes-
tine disputes were suddenly calmed. The Algerines and
other pirates w^ere swept from the seas by a succession of
small but vigorous expeditions. The mediation of the States
re-established peace in several of the petty states of Germany.
England and France were both held in check, if not pre-
erved in friendship, by the dread of their recovered power.
Trade and finance were reorganized. Every thing seemed to
promise a long-continued peace and growing greatness, nmch
of which was owing to the talents and persevering energy of
* Gerisicr,
238 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1665.
De Witt; and, to complete the good work of European tran-
quillity, the French and Spanish monarchs concluded in this
year the treaty known by the name of the " peace of the
Pyrenees."
Cromwell had now closed his career, and Charles 11. was
restored to the throne from which he had so long been ex-
cluded. The complimentary entertainments rendered to the
restored king in Holland were on the proudest scale of ex-
pense. He left the country which had given him refuge in
misfortune, and done him honor in his prosperity, with pro-
fuse expressions of regard and gratitude. Scarcely was he
established in his recovered kingdom, when a still greater
testimony of deference to his wishes was paid, by the states-
general formally annulling the act of exclusion against the
house of Orange. A variety of motives, however, acting on
the easy and plastic mind of the monarch, soon effaced what-
ever of gratitude he had at first conceived. He readily en-
tered into the views of the English nation, which was irri-
tated by the great commercial superiority of Holland, and a
jealousy excited by its close connexion with France at this
period.
It was not till the 22d of February, 1665, that war was
formally declared against the Dutch ; but many previous acts
of hostility had taken place in expeditions against their set-
tlements on the coast of Africa and in America, which were
retaliated by De Ruyter with vigor and success. The Dutch
used every possible means of avoiding the last extremities.
De Witt employed all the powers of his great capacity to
avert the evil of Vv'ar ; but nothing could finally prevent it.
and the sea was once more to witness the conflict between
those who claimed its sovereignty. A great battle was fought
on the 31st of June. The duke of York, afterw^ards James II.,
commanded the British fleet, and had under him the earl of
Sandwich and prince Rupert. The Dutch were led on by
Opdam ; and the victory was decided in favor of the English
by the blowing up of that admiral's ship, with himself and his
whole crew. The loss of the Dutch was altogether nineteen
ships. De Witt the pensionary then took in person the com-
mand of the fleet, which \vas soon equipped ; and he gave a
high proof of the adaptation of genius to a pursuit previously
unknown, by the rapid knowledge and the practical improve-
ments he introduced into some of the most intricate branches
of naval tactics.*
Immense efforts were now made by England, but with a
* Hume.
1666. NAVAL OPERATIONS. 239
very questionable policy, to induce Louis XIV. to join in the
war. Charles offered to allow of his acquiring the whole of
the Spanish Netherlands, provided he would leave him with-
out interruption to destroy the Dutch navy, (and, consequent-
ly, their commerce,) in the by no means certain expectation
that its advantag-es would all fall to the share of England.
But the king of France resolved to support the republic. The
king of Denmark, too, formed an alliance with them, after a
series of the most strange tergiversations.* Spain, reduced
to feebleness, and menaced with invasion by France, showed
no alacrity to meet Charles's overtures for an offensive
treaty. Van Galen bishop of Munster, a restless prelate, was
the only ally he could acquire. This bishop, at the head of a
tumultuous force of 20,000 men, penetrated into Friesland ;
but 6000 French were dispatched by Louis to the assistance
of the republic, and this impotent invasion was easily repelled.
The republic, encouraged by all these favorable circum-
stances, resolved to put forward its utmost energies. Internal
discords were once more appeased ; the harbors were crowded
with merchant-ships ; the young prince of Orange had put
himself under the tuition of the States of Holland and of De
Witt, who faithfully executed his trust ; and De Ruyter was
ready to lead on the fleet. The English, in spite of the dread-
ful calamity of the great tire of London, the plague which
desolated the city, and a declaration of war on the part of
France, prepared boldly tor the shock.
The Dutch fleet, commanded by De Ruyter and Tromp,
the gallant successor of his father's fame, were soon at sea.
The JEnglish, under prince Rupert and Monk, now duke of
Albemarle, did not lie idle in port. A battle of four days'
continuance, one of the most determined and terrible up to
this period on record, was the consequence. The Dutch claim,
and it appears with justice, to have had the advantage.! But
a more decisive conflict took place on the 25th of July,| when
a victory was gained by the English, the Bnemy having three
of their admirals killed. " My God !" exclaimed De Ruyter,
during this desperate fight, and seeing the certainty of defeat ;
" what a wretch I am ! Among so many thousand bullets, is
there not one to put an end to my miserable life ?"
The king of France hastened forward in this crisis to the
assistance of the republic ; and De Witt, by a deep stroke of
* Hume, vol. vii. p, 406. f Hume.
t In all these naval battles we have followed Hume and the English his-
torians as to dates, which, in almost every instance, are strangely at variance
with those given by the Dutch writers.
240 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1667.
policy, amused the Eng-lish with neg-otiation while a ]X)wcrful
fleet was fitted out. It suddenly appeared in the Thames,
under the command of De Ruyter, and all England was thrown
into consternation. The Dutch took Sheerness, and burned
many ships of war; almost insulting the capital itself in
their predatory incursion.* Had the French power joined
that of the Provinces at this time, and invaded England, the
most fatal results to that kingdom might have taken place.
But the alarm soon subsided with the disappearance of the
hostile fleet ; and the signing the peace of Breda, on the 10th
of July, 1667, extricated Charles from his present difficulties.
The island of Polerone was restored to the Dutch, and the
point of maritime superiority was, on this occasion, undoubt-
edly theirs.
While Holland was preparing to indulge in the luxury of
national repose, the death of Philip IV. of Spain, and the
startling ambition of Louis XIV., brought war once more to
their very doors, and soon even forced if across the threshold
of the republic. The king of France, setting at naught his
solemn renunciation at the peace of the Pyrenees of all claims
to any part of the Spanish territories in right of his wife, who
was daughter of the late king, found excellent reasons (for
his own satisfaction) to invade a material portion of that de-
clining monarchy. Vv^ell prepared by the financial and mili-
tary foresight of Colbert for his great design, he suddenly
poured a powerful army, under Turenne, into Brabant and
Flanders ; quickly over-ran and took possession of these prov-
inces; and, in the space of three weeks, added Franche-
Comte to his conquests.! Europe was in universal alarm at
these unexpected measures ; and no state felt more terror
than the republic of the United Provinces. The interest of
all countries seemed now to require a coalition against the
power which had abandoned tlie house of Austria only to set-
tle on France. The first measure to this effect was the
signing of the triple- league between Holland, Sweden, and
England, at the Ilague, on tlie 13th of January, 1663. But
this proved to be one of the most futile confederations on re-
cord. Charles, with almost unheard-of perfidy throughout tlie
transaction, fell in with the designs of his pernicious,]; and on
this occasion purchased, cabinet,^ called the Cabal; and he
entered into a secret treaty with France, in the very teeth Oi
liis other engagements. Sweden was dissuaded from the
league by the arguments of the French ministers ; and Hol-
* Temple, vol. iii. p. 40. &c. t De Neny, Mem. t. ii. p. 29.
i Gourville. Mem. t. ii. p. 14. § Temple, vol. ii. p. 1*79.
1G72. THE FKE>C1I INVADE HOLLAND. 241
land in a short time found itself involved in a double war with
its late allies.
A base and piratical attack on the Dutch Smyrna fleet, by
a large force under Sir Robert Holmes, on tlie 13th of March,
1672, was the first overt act of treachery on the part of the
English government. The attempt completely failed, through
the prudence and valor of the Dutch admirals ; and Charles
reaped only the double shame of perfidy and defeat. He in-
stantly issued a declaration of war against the republic, on
reasoning too palpably false to require refutation, and too
frivolous to merit record to the exclusion of more important
matter from our narrow limits.
Louis at least covered with the semblance of dignity his
unjust co-operation in this violence. He soon advanced with
his army, and the contingents of Munster and Cologne, his
allies, amounting altogether to nearly 170,000 men, com-
manded by Conde, Turenne, Luxembourg, and others of the
greatest generals of France.* Never was any country less
prepared than w^ere the United Provinces to resist this for-
midable aggression. Their army was as naught ; their long
cessation of military operations by land having totally demor-
alized that once invincible branch of their forces. No gen-
eral existed who knew any thing of the practice of war.
Their very stores of ammunition had been delivered over,
in the way of traffic, to the enemy who now prepared to over
w^helm them. De Witt Avas severely, and not quite unjustly,
blamed for having suffered the country to be thus taken by
surprise, utterly defenceless, and apparently without resource.
Envy of his uncommon merit aggravated the just complaints
against his error. But, above all things, the popular affection
to the young prince threatened, in some great convulsion, the
overthrow of the pensionary, who was considered eminently
hostile to the illustrious house of Orange.f
William III, prince of Orange, now twenty-tw^o years of
age, was amply endowed with those hereditary qualities of
valor and wisdom which only required experience to give hira
rank with the greatest of his ancestors. The Louvenstein
party, as the adherents of the house of Orange were called,
now easily prevailed in their long-conceived design of placing
him at the head of affairs, with the titles of captain-general
and liigh admiral. De Witt, anxious from personal considera-
tions, as well as patriotism, to employ every means of active
exertion, attempted the organization of an army, and hastened
the equipment of a formidable fleet of nearly a hundred ships
* De Nenv. M^m. t Hume.
](i
242 HISTORY OF THE NETHEKLA?. DS. 1672.
of the line and half as many fire-ships. De Ruyter, now
without exception the greatest commander of the a^e, set
sail with this force in search of the combined fleets of Eng-
land and France, commanded by the duke of York and
marslial D'Etrees. He encountered them, on the 6th of May,
1672, at Solebay. A most bloody engagement was the result
of this meeting. Sandwich, on the side of the English, aivl
Van Ghent, a Dutch admiral, were slain.* The glory of t!io
day was divided ; the victory doubtful : but the sea was not
the element on which the fate of Holland was to be decided.
The French armies poured like a torrent into the territo-
ries of the republic. Rivers were passed, towns taken, and
provinces over-run, with a rapidity much less honorable to
France than disgraceful to Holland. No victory was gained
— no resistance offered : and it is disgusting to look back on
the fulsome panegyrics with wliich courtiers and poets lauded
Louis for those facile and inglorious triumphs. The prince
of Orange had received the command of a nommal army of
70,000 men ; but with this undisciplined and discouraged
mass he could attempt nothing. He prudently retired into
the province of Holland, vainly hoping that the numerous
fortresses on the frontiers would have offered some resistance
to the enemy. Guelders, Overyssel, and Utrecht, were al-
ready in Louis's hands. Groningen and Friesland were
threatened. Holland and Zealand opposed obstruction to
such rapid conquest from their natural position ; and Amster-
dam set a noble example to the remaining towns — forming a
regular and energetic plan of defence, and endeavoring to
mfuse its spirit into the rest. The sluices, those desperate
sources at once of safety and desolation, were opened ; the
whole country submerged ; and the other provinces following
this example, extensive districts of fertility and w^ealth were
given to the sea, for the exclusion of which so many centuries
had scarcely sufficed.
The states-general now assembled, and it was decided to
supplicate for peace at the hands of the combined monarchs.
The haughty insolence of Louvois coinciding w^ith the
temper of Louis himself, made the latter propose the follow-
ing conditions as the price of peace ; — to take off all duties
on commodities exported into Holland ; to grant the free ex-
ercise of the Romish religion in the United Provmces ; to
share the churches with the Catliolics, and to pay their
priests ; to yield up all the frontier towns, with several in the
heart of the republic ; to pay him 20,000,000 livres ; to send
* Htimo.
1672. MASSACRE OF THE DE WITTS. 243
him every year a solemn embassy, accompanied by a present
of a srolden medal, as an acknowledgment that they owed
him their liberty ; and, fmaily, that they should give entire
satisfaction to the king- of England.
Charles, on his part, after the most insulting treatment of
the ambassadors sent to London, required, amongst other
terms, that the Dutch should give up the honor of the flag with-
out reserve, whole fleets being expected, even on the coasts
of Holland, to lower their top-sails to the smallest ship under
Britisli. colors ; that the Dutch should pay 1,000,000/. sterling
towards tlie charges of the war, and 10,000/. a year for per-
mission to fish in the British seas ; that they should share the
Indian trade with tlie English ; and that Walcheren and sev-
eral other islands should be put into the king's hands as
security for the perfonnance of the articles.*
The insatiable monarchs overshot the mark. Existence
was not worth preserving on these intolerable terms. Holland
was driven to desperation ; and even the people of England
were inspired with indignation at this monstrous injustice.
In the republic a violent explosion of popular excess took
place. The people now saw no safety but in the courage and
talents of the prince of Orange. He was tumultuously pro-
claimed stadtholder. De Witt and his brother Cornelis, the
conscientious but too obstinate opponents of this measure of
salvation, fell victims to the popular frenzy. The latter,
condemned to banishment on an atrocious charge of intended
assassination against the prince of Orange, was visited in his
prison at the Hague by the grand pensionary. The rabble,
incited to fury by the calumnies spread against these two
virtuous citizens, broke into the prison, forced the unfortunate
brothers into the street, and there literally tore them to
pieces with circumstances of the most brutal ferocity. This
horrid scene took place on the 27th of August, 1672.
The massacre of the De Witts completely destroyed the
party of which they were the head. All men now united
under the only leader lefl to the country. William showed
himself well worthy of the trust, and of his heroic blood. He
turned his whole force against the enemy. He sought no-
thing for himself but the glory of saving his country ; and
taking his ancestors for models, in the best points of their
respective characters, he combined prudence with energy,
and firmness with moderation. His spirit inspired all ranks
of men. The conditions of peace demanded by the partner
kings were rejected with scorn. The whole nation was
*Hume, vol. vii. pp. 493, 194.
244 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1672.
moved by one concentrated principle of heroism ; and it was
even resolved to put the ancient notion of the first William
into practice, and abandon the country to the waves, sooner
than submit to the political annihilation with vvliich it was
threatened. The capability of the vessels in their harbors
was calculated ; and they were found sufficient to transport
200,000 families to the Indian settlements. We must hasten
from this sublime picture of national desperation. The glo-
rious hero who stands in its foreground was inaccessible to
every overture of corruption. Buckingham, the English am-
bassador, offered him, on the part of England and France, the
independent sovereignty of Holland, if he would abandon the
other provinces to their grasp ; and, urging his consent, asked
him if he did not see that the republic was ruined ? " There
is one means," replied the prince of Orange, " which will
save me from the sight of my country's ruin — I will die in
the last ditch."*
Action soon proved the reality of the prince's profession.
He took the field ; having first punished with death some of
the cowardly commanders of the frontier towns. He besieged
and took Naarden, an important place ; and, by a masterly
movement, formed a junction with Montecuculi, whom the
emperor Leopold had at length sent to his assistance with
20,000 men. Gronmgen repulsed the bishop of Munster, the
ally of France, with a loss of 12,000 men. The king of Spain
(such are the strange fluctuations of political friendship and
enmity) sent the count of Monterey, governor of the Belgian
provinces, with 10,000 men to support the Dutch army. The
elector of Brandenburg also lent them aid. The whole face
of affairs was changed ; and Louis was obliged to abandon all
his conquests with more rapidity than he had made them.
Two desperate battles at sea, on the 23th of May and the 4th
of June, in which De Ruyter and prince Rupert again distin-
guished themselves, only proved the valor of the combatants,
leaving victory still doubtful. England was with one common
feeling ashamed of the odious war in which the king and his
unworthy ministers had engaged the nation. Charles was
forced to make peace on the conditions proposed by the
Dutch. The honor of the flag was yielded to the English ; a
regulation of trade was agreed to ; all possessions were re-
stored to the same condition as before the war ; and the states-
general agreed to pay the king 800,000 patacoons, or nearly
300,000Z.
With these encouraging results from the prince of Orange's
influence and example, Holland persevered in the contest
* Hume.
1676. CONGRESS AT jVIMEGUEjN'. 245
with France. He, in the first place, made head, during a
winter campaign in Holland, against marshal Luxembourg,
who had succeeded Turenne in the Low Countries, the lat-
ter being obliged to march against the imperialists in West-
phalia. He next advanced to oppose the great Conde, who
occupied Brabant with an army of 45,000 men. After much
manoeuvring, in which the prince of Orange displayed con-
summate talent, he on one only occasion exposed a part of his
army to a disadvantageous contest. Conde seized on the
error ; and of his own accord gave the battle to which his
young opponent could not succeed in forcing him. The bat-
tle of Senef is remarkable not merely for the fury with which
it was fought, or for its leaving victory undecided, but as be-
ing the last combat of one commander and the first of the
other. "The prince of Orange," said the veteran Conde
(who had that day exposed his person more than on any pre-
vious occasion,) " lias acted in every thing like an old cap-
tain, except venturing his life too like a young soldier."
The campaign of 1675 offered no remarkable event; the
prince of Orange with great prudence avoiding the risk of a
battle. But the following year was rendered fatally remark-
able by the death of the great De Ruy ter,* who was killed in
an action against the French fleet in the Mediterranean : and
about the same time the not less celebrated Turenne met his
death from a cannon-ball, in the midst of his triumphs in Ger-
many. This year was doubly occupied in a negotiation for
peace and an active prosecution of tlie war. Louis, at the
head of his army, took several towns in Belgium : William
was unsuccessful in an attempt on Maestricht. About the
beginning of winter, the plenipotentiaries of the several bel-
ligerents assembled at Nimeguen, w^here the congress for
peace was held. The Hollanders, loaded with debts and
taxes, and seeing the weakness and slowness of their allies
the Spaniards and Germans, prognosticated nothing but mis-
fortunes. Their commerce languished ; while that of Eng-
land, now neutral amidst all these quarrels, flourished ex-
tremely. The prince of Orange, however, ambitious of
glory, urged another campaign ; and it commenced accord-
ingly.
In the middle of February, Louis carried Valenciennes by
storm, and laid siege to St. Omer and Cambray. William,
thoug-h full of activity, courage, and skill, was, nevertheless,
almost always unsuccessful in the field, and never more so
* The council of Spain gaveDe Riiyter the title and letters patent of duke.
The latter arrived in Holland after his death; and his children, with true re-
[Htblican spirit, refused to adopt the title.
246 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1678
than in this campaign. Several towns fell almost in his
sight ; and he was completely defeated in the great battle of
mount Cassel, by the duke of Orleans and marshal Luxem-
bourg. But the period for another peace was now approach-
ing. "Louis offered fair terms for the acceptance of the United
Provinces at the congress of Nimeguen, April, 1678, as he
now considered his chief enemies Spain and the empire, who
had at first only entered into the war as auxiliaries. He v;as,
no doubt, principally impelled in his measures by the mar-
riage of the prince of Orange with the lady Mary, eldest
daughter of the duke of York, and heir presumptive to tlie
English crown, which took place on the 2:3d of October, to
the great joy of both the Dutch and English nations. Charles
was at this moment the arbiter of tlie peace of Europe ; and
though several fluctuations took place in his policy in the
course of a few montlis, as the urgent wishes of the parlia-
ment and the large presents of Louis differently actuated
him,* still the wiser and more just course prevailed, and he
finally decided the balance by vigorously declaring his reso-
lution for peace ; and the treaty was consequently signed at
Nimeguen, on the 10th of August, 1678. The prince of
Orange, from private motives of spleen, or a most unjustifiable
desire for fighting, took the extraordinary measure of attack-
ing the French troops under Luxembourg, near Mons, on the
very day after the signing of this treaty. He must have
known it, even though it were not officially notified to him ;
and he certainly had to answer for all the blood so wantonly
spilt in the sharp though undecisive action which ensued.f
Spain, abandoned to her fate, was obliged to make the best
terms she could ; and on the 17th of September she also con-
cluded a treaty with France, on conditions entirely favorable
to the latter power. I
CHAP. XX.
1678—1713.
FROM THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN TO THE PEACE OF UTRECHT.
A FEW years passed over after this period, without the oc-
currence of any transaction sufficiently important to require
a mention here. Each of the powers so lately at war fol-
lowed the various bent of their respective ambition. Charles
of England was sufficiently occupied by disputes with parlia-
ment, and the discovery, fabrication, and punishment of plots,
* Dalrymple's App. p. 112. t Hume. &£. 1 De Neny.
lt)85. DEATH or CHARLES IJ, 247
real or pretended. Lonis XIV., by a stretch of audacious
pride hitherto unknown, arrogated to himself the supreme
power of reg-ulatinof the rest of Europe, as if all the other
princes were his vassals. He established courts, or chanibers
of reunion as they were called, in Metz and Brisac, which
cited princes, issued decrees, and authorized spoliation, in the
most unjust and arbitrary manner.* Louis chose to award to
himself Luxembourg, Chiny, and a considerable portion of
Brabant and Flanders.f He marched a considerable army
into Belgium, which the Spanish governors were unable to
oppose. The prince of Orange, who labored incessantly to
excite a confederacy among the other powers of Europe
against the unwarrantable aggressions of France, was unable
to arouse his countrymen to actual war; and was forced, in-
stead of gaining the glory he longed for, to consent to a truce
for twenty years, which the states-general, now wholly pa-
cific and not a little cowardly, were too happy to obtain from
France. The emperor and the king of Spain gladly entered
into a like treaty. | The fact was, that the peace of Nime-
guen had disjointed the great confederacy which William
had so successfully brought about; and the various powers
were laid utterly prostrate at the feet of the imperious Louis,
who for a while held the destinies of Europe in his hands.
Charles IL died most unexpectedly in the year 1685 ; and
his obstinately bigoted and unconstitutional successor, James
IL, seemed, during a reign of not four years' continuance, to
rush wilfully headlong to ruin. During this period, the
prince of Orange had maintained a most circumspect and un-
exceptionable line of conduct ; steering clear of all interfe-
rence with English affairs ; giving offence to none of the po-
litical factions; and observing in every instance the duty and
regard which he owed to his father-in-law. 5 During Mon-
mouth's invasion he had dispatched to James's assistance six
reo-iments of British troops which were in the Dutch service,
and he offered to take the command of the king's forces
ao-ainst the rebels. It was from the application of James
h?mself that William took any part in English affairs ;|| for
he was more widely and much more congenially employed
in the establishment of a fresh league against France. Louis
had aroused a new feeling throughout Protestant Europe, by
the revocation of the edict of Nantes. The refugees whom
he had driven from their native country, inspired in those in
which they settled, hatred of his persecution as well as alarm
of his power. Holland now entered into all the views of the
« Hume t Ti^ I^eny. X Du Mont, Corps Dipl. t. vii.
S Hnme. W Hunae.
'^■iib HISTOKY OF TUK ^■JiTH^!5RLANDS. I08b.
prince of Orange. By his immense influence he succeeded
in forming' the great confederacy called the League of Augs-
bourg, to which the emperor, Spain, and almost every Euro-
pean power but England, became parties.*
James gave the prince reason to believe that he too would
join in this great project, if William would in return concur
in his views of domestic tyranny ; but William wisely refused.
James, much disappointed, and irritated by the moderation
which showed his own violence in such striking contrast, ex-
pressed his displeasure against the prince, and against the
Dutch generally, by various vexatious acts, William resolved
to maintain a high attitude; and many applications were
made to him by the most considerable persons in England for
relief against James's violent measures, and which there was
but one method of making efTectual.f That method was
force. But as long as the princess of Orange was certain
of succeeduig to the crown on her fatlier's death, William
hesitated to join in an attempt that might possibly have failed
and lost her her mheritance. But the birth of a son, which,
in giving James a male heir, destroyed all hope of redress for
the kingdom, decided the w^avering, and rendered the deter-
mined desperate. The prince chose the time for his enter-
prise with the sagacity, arranged its plan with the prudence,
and put it into execution with the vigor, which were habitual
qualities of his mind.
Louis XIV., menaced by the League of Augsbourg, had
resolved to strike the first blow against the allies. He in-
vaded Germany ; so that the Dutch preparations seemed in
the first instance intended as measures of defence against the
progress of the French. But Louis's envoy at the Hague
could not be long deceived. He gave notice to his master,
who in his turn warned James. But that infatuated monarch
not only doubted the intelligence, but refused the French
king's offers of assistance and co-operation. On the 21st of
October, the prince of Orange, with an army of 14,000 men,
and a fleet of 500 vessels of all kinds, set sail from Helvoet-
sluys; and afl:er some delays from bad weather, he safely
landed his army in Torbay, on the 5th of November, I688.4:
The desertion of James's best friends ; his own consternation,
flight, seizure, and second escape; and the solemn act by
which he w^as deposed ; were the rapid occurrences of a few
weeks : and thus the grandest revolution that England had
ever seen was happily consummated. Without entering here
on legislative leasonings or party sophisms, it is enough to
* Hume. t D'Avaux. | Hume.
lt)89. ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. '249
record the act itself; and to say, in reference to our more im-
mediate subject, that without the assistance of Holland and
her glorious chief, England might have still remained en-
slaved, or have had to purchase liberty by oceans of blood.
By the bill of settlement, the crown was conveyed jointly to
the prince and princess of Orange, the sole administration of
government to remain in the prince ; and the new sovereigns
were proclaimed on the 23d of February, 1689. The con-
vention, which had arranged this important point, annexed to
the settlement a declaration of rights, by which the powers
of royal prerogative and the extent of popular privilege were
defined and guarantied.*
William, now become king of England, still preserved his
title of stadtholder of Holland ; and presented the singular
instance of a monarchy and a republic being at the same
time governed by the same individual But whether as a
king or a citizen, William was actuated by one grand and
powerful principle, to which every act of private administra-
tion was made subservient, although it certainly called for no
sacrifice that was not required for the political existence of
the two nations of which he was the head. Inveterate oppo-
sition to the power of Louis XIV. was this all-absorbing mo-
tive. A sentiment so mighty left William but little time for
inferior points of government, and every thing but that seems
to have irritated and disgusted him. He was soon again on
the Continent, the chief theatre of his efforts. He put him-
self in front of the confederacy which resulted from the con-
gress of Utrecht in 1690. He took the command of the allied
army ; and till the hour of his death, he never ceased his in-
defatigable course of hostility, whether in the camp or the
cabinet, at the head of the allied armies, or as the guiding
spirit of the councils which gave them force and motion.
Several campaigns were expended, and bloody combats
fought, almost all to the disadvantage of William, whose
genius for war was never seconded by that good fortune which
so often decides the fate of battles in defiance of all the cal-
culations of talent. But no reverse had power to shake the
constancy and courage of William. He always appeared as
formidable after defeat as he was before action. His con-
querors gained little but the honor of the day. Fleurus,
Steinkerk, Herwinde, were successively the scenes of his
evil fortune, and the sources of his fame. His retreats were
master-strokes of vigilant activity and profound combinations.
Many emment sieges took place during this war. Among
other towns, Mens and Namur were taken by the French,
:i50 HISTORY OF THi: NETHERLANDS. 1697.
and Huy by the allies ; and the army of marshal Villeroi
bombarded Brussels during three days, in August, 1695, with
such fury that the town-house, fourteen churches, and 4000
houses, were reduced to ashes. The year following this event
saw another undecisive campaign. During the continuance
of this war, the naval transactions present no grand results.
Du Bart, a celebrated adventurer of Dunkirk, occupies the
leading place in those affairs, in which he carried on a desul-
tory but active warfare against the Dutch and English fleets,
and generally with great success.
All the nations which had taken part in so many wars, were
now becoming exhausted by the contest, but none so much
so as France. The great despot who had so long wielded the
energies of that country with such wonderful splendor and
success, found that his unbounded love of dominion was gradu-
ally sapping all the real good of his people, in chimerical
schemes of universal conquest. England, though with much
resolution voting new supplies, and in every way upholding
William in his plans for the continuance of war, was rejoiced
when Louis accepted tlie mediation of Charles XL king ot
Sweden, and agreed to concessions which made peace feasi-
ble.* The emperor and Charles II. of Spain, were less satis
fied with those concessions: but every thing was finally ar-
ranged to meet the general views of the parties, and negotia-
tions were opened at Ryswick. The death of the king of
Sweden, and the minority of his son and successor, the cele-
brated Charles XII., retarded them on points of form for some
time. At length, on the 20th of September, 1697, the articles
of the treaty were subscribed by the Dutch, English, Spanish,
and French ambassadors.f The treaty consisted of seventeen
articles. The French king declared he would not disturb or
disquiet the king of Great Britain, whose title he now for the
first time acknowledged. Between France and Holland were
declared a general armistice, perpetual amity, a mutual resti-
tution of towns, a reciprocal renunciation of all pretensions
upon eacii other, and a treaty of commerce which v\'as imme-
diately put into execution. Thus, after this long, expensive,
and sanguinary war, things were established just on the foot-
ing they had been by the peace of Nimeguen ; and a great,
though unavailable lesson, read to the world on the futility
and wickedness of those quarrels in which the personal am-
bition of kings leads to the misery of the people. Had the
allies been true to each other throughout, I^ouis would cer-
tainly have been reduced much lower than he now was. His
* Smollett, vol. i. pp. 316, 317. t ^^ Neny.
170U. WAR OP SUCCESSION. 251
pride was humbled, and his encroachments stopped. But the
sufferings of the various countries engaged in the war, were
too generally reciprocal to make its result of any material
benelit to either. The emperor held out for a while, encour-
aged by the great victory gained by his general, prince Eu-
gene of Savoy, over the Turks at Zenta in Hungary ; but he
finally acceded to the terms offered by France ; the peace,
therefore, became general, but unfortunately for Europe, of
very short duration.
France, as if looking forward to the speedy renewal of hos-
tilities, still kept her armies undisbanded. Let the foresight
of her politicians have been what it might, this negative
proof of it was justified by events. The king of Spain, a
weak prince, without any direct heir for his possessions, con-
sidered himself authorized to dispose of their succession by
will. The leading powers of Europe thought otherwise, and
took this right upon themselves.* Charles died on the 1st of
November, 1700, and thus put the important question to the
test. By a solemn testament he declared Philip duke of An-
jou, second son of the dauphin, and grandson of Louis XIV.,
his successor to the whole of the Spanish monarch3^f Louis
immediately renounced his adherence to the treaties of par-
tition, executed at the Hague and in London, in 1698 and
1700, and to which he had been a contracting party ; and
prepared to maintain the act by which the last of the descend-
ants of Charles V. bequeathed the possessions of Spain and
the Indies to the family which had so long been the inveterate
enemy and rival of his own.
The emperor Leopold, on his part, prepared to defend his
claims ; and thus connnenced the new war between him and
France, which took its name from the succession which formed
the object of dispute. Hostilities were commenced in Italy,
where prince Eugene, the conqueror of the Turks, com-
manded for Leopold, and every day made for himself a still
more brilliant reputation. I^ouis sent his grandson to Spain
to take possession of the inheritance, for which so hard a
figlit was yet to be maintained, with the striking expression
at parting — " JMy child, there are no longer any Pyrenees !"
an (expression most happily unprophetic for the future inde-
pendence of Europe, for the moral force of the barrier has
long existed after the expiration of the family compact which
was meant to deprive it of its force.
Louis prepared to act vigorously. Among other measures,
he caused part of the Dutch army that was quartered in
* De Neny. f Du Mont, Corps Diploni.
"252 HTSTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1701.
Luxembourg- and Brabant to be suddenly made prisoners of
war, because they would not own Philip V. as king- of Spain.
The states-general were dreadfully alarmed, immediately
made the required acknowledgment, and in consequence had
their soldiers released * They quickly reinforced their gar-
risons, purchased supplies, solicited foreign aid, and prepared
for the worst that might happen. They wrote to king Wil-
liam, professing the most inviolable attachment to England :
and he met their application by warm assurances of support,
and an immediate reinforcement of three regiments.
William followed up these measures by the formation of
the celebrated treaty called the Grand Alliance, by which
England, the States, and the emperor covenanted for the sup-
port of the pretensions of the latter to the Spanish monarchy.f
William was preparing, in spite of his declining health, to take
his usual lead in the military operations now decided on, and
almost all Europe was again lookinof forward to his guidance,
when he died on the 8th of March, 1701, leaving his great
plans to receive their execution from still more able adepts in
the art of war.
William's character has been traced by many hands. In
his capacity of king of England, it is not our province to
judge him in this place. As stadtholder of Holland, he merits
unqualified praise. Like his great ancestor William I., whom
he more resembled than any other of his race, he saved the
country in a time of such immment peril that its abandon-
ment seemed the only resource left to the inhabitants, who
preferred self-exile to slavery. All his acts were certainly
merged in the one overwhelming object of a great ambition
— that noble quality, which, if coupled with the love of coun-
try, is the very essence of true heroism. William was the
last of that illustrious line wliich for a century and a half had
filled Europe with admiration. He never had a child ; and
being himself an only one, his title as prince of Orange passed
into another branch of the family. He left his cousin prince
Frison of Nassau, the stadtholder of Friesland, his sole and
universal heir, and appointed the states-general his executors.^
William's death filled Holland with mourning and alarm.
The njeeting of the states-general after this sad intelligence
was of a most affecting description; but William, like all
master-minds, had left the mantle of his inspiration on his
friends and followers. Heinsius the grand pensionary fol-
lowed up the views of the lamented stadtholder with con-
siderable energy, and was answered by the unanimous exer-
* Smollett. t De Neny, t. i. p. 201. J Smollett.
/702. MARLBOROUGH AND EUGENE. 253
tions of the country. Strong assurances of support from
queen Anne, William's successor, still further encouraged the
republic, which now vigorously prepared for w^ar. But it did
not lose this occasion of recurring to the form of government
of 1650. No new stadtholder was now appointed ; the supreme
authority being vested in the general assembly of the states,
and the active direction of affairs confided to the grand pen-
sionary. This departure from the form of government which
had been on various occasions proved to be essential to the
safety, although at all times hazardous to the independence,
of the States, was not attended with any evil consequences.
The factions and the anarchy which had before been the con-
sequence of the course now adopted, w^ere prevented by the
potent influence of national fear lest the enemy might triumph,
and crush the hopes, the jealousies, and the enmities of all
parties in one general ruin. Thus the common danger awoke
a common interest, and the splendid successes of her allies
kept Holland steady in the career of patriotic energy which
had its rise in the dread of her redoubtable foe.
The joy in France at William's death was proportionate to
the grief it created in Holland ; and the arrogant confidence
of Louis seemed to know no bounds. "I wdll punish these
audacious merchants," said he, with an air of disdain, when
he read the manifesto of Holland ; not foreseeing that those
he affected to despise so much would, ere-long, command in
a great measure the destinies of his crown. Queen Anne
entered upon the war with masculine intrepidity, and main-
tained it with heroic energy. Efforts were made by the Eng-
lish ministry and the states-general to mediate between the
kings of Sweden and Poland. But Charles XII., enamoured
of glory, and bent on the one great object of his designs
against Russia, would listen to nothing that might lead him
from his immediate career of victory.* Many other of the
northern princes were withheld, by various motives, from en-
tering into the contest with France, and its whole brunt de-
volved on the original members of the grand alliance. The
generals who carried it on were Marlborough and prince
Eugene. The former, at its commencement an earl, and sub-
sequently raised to the dignity of duke, was declared gene-
ralissimo of the Dutch and English forces. He was a man of
most pow^erful genius, both as warrior and politician. A pupil
of the great Turenne, his exploits left those of his master in
the shade. No commander ever possessed in a greater degree
the faculty of forming vast designs, and of carrying them
* Voltaire.
254 HISTORY OF the netheklands. 1702.
into effect witli consummate skill; no one displayed more
coolness and courage in action, saw with a keener eye the
errors of the enemy, or knew better how to profit by success.
He never laid siege to a town that he did not take, and never
fought a battle that he did not gain.*
Prince Eugene joined to the liighest order of personal
bravery a profound judgment for the grand movements of war,
and a capacity for the most minute of the minor details on
which their successful issue so often depends. United in the
same cause, these two great generals pursued their course
without the least misunderstanding. At the close of each of
those successive campaigns, in which they reaped such a full
harvest of renown, they retired together to the Hague, to ar-
range, in the profoundest secrecy, the plans for the next
year's operations, with one other person, who formed the great
point of union between them, and completed a triumvirate
without a parallel in the history of political affairs. This third
was Heinsius, one of those great men produced by the re-
public whose names are tantamount to the most detailed eulo-
gium for talent and patriotism. Every enterprise projected
by the confederates was deliberately examined, rejected, or
approved by these three associates, whose strict union of pur-
pose, disowning all petty rivalry, formed the centre of coun-
sels and the source of circumstances finally so fatal to France.f
Louis XIV., now sLxty years of age, could no longer him-
self command his armies, or probably did not wish to risk the
reputation he was conscious of having gained by the advice
and services of Turenne, Conde, and Luxembourg. Louvois,
too, was dead ; and Colbert no longer managed his finances.
A council of rash and ignorant ministers hung like a dead
weight on the talent of the generals who succeeded the great
men above mentioned. Favor and not merit too often decided
promotion, and lavished command. Vendome, Yillars, Bouf-
flers, and Berwick, were set aside, to make way for Villeroi,
Tallard, and Marsm, men every way inferior.
The war began in 1702 in Italy, and Marlborough opened
his first campaign in Brabant also in that year. For several
succeeding years the confederates pursued a career of bril-
liant success, the details of which do not properly belong to
this work. A mere chronology of celebrated battles would
be of little interest, and the pages of English history abound
in records of those deeds. Blenheim, Ramillies, Oudenarde,
and Malplaquet, are names that speak for themselves, and tell
their ov.ti tale of glory. The utter humiliation of France
* Hist, de Voltaire, Charles XII. p. 112. t Voltaire.
1711. WAR RENEWED. 255
was the result of events, in which the undying fame of Eng-
land for inflexihle perse^-e ranee and unbounded generosity
was joined in the strictest union with that of Holland ; and
the impetuous valor of the worthy successor to tlie title of
prince of Orange was, on many occasions, particularly at
Malplaquet, supported by the devotion and gallantry of the
Dutch contingent in the allied armies. The naval affairs of
Holland offered nothing very remarkable. The States had
always a fleet ready to support the English in their enter-
prises; but no eminent admiral arose to rival the renown of
Rooke, Byng, Benbow, and others of tlieir allies. The first
of those admirals took Gibraltar, which has ever since re-
mained in the possession of England. The great earl of
Peterborough carried on the war with splendid success in
Portugal and Spain, supported occasionally by the English
fleet under Sir Cloudesley Shovel, and that of Holland under
admirals Allemonde and Wapenaer.*
During the progress of the war, the haughty and long-time
imperial Louis was reduced to a state of humiliation that
excited a compassion so profound as to prevent its own open
expression — the most galling of all sentiments to a proud
mind. In the year 1709 he solicited peace on terms of most
abject submission. The states-general, under the influence
of the duke of Marlborough and prince Eugene, rejected all
his supplications, retorting unsparingly the insolent harshness
with which he had formerly received similar proposals from
them. France, roused to renewed exertions by the insulting-
treatment experienced by her humiliated but still haughty
despot, made prodigious but vain efforts to repair her ruinous
losses. In tlie following year Louis renewed his attempts to
obtain some tolerable conditions; offering to renounce his
grandson, and to comply with all the former demands of the
confederates. f Even these overtures were rejected ; Holland
and England appearing satisfied with nothing short of, what
was afler all impracticable, the total destruction of the great
power which Louis had so long proved to be incompatible
with their welfare. The war still went on; and the taking
of Bouchain on tlie 30th of August, 1711, closed the almost
unrivalled military career of Marlborough, by the success
of one of his boldest and best conducted exploits. | Party in-
trigue had accomplished what, in court parlance, is called the
disgrace, but which, in the language of common sense, means
only the dismissal, of this great man. The new ministry,
who hated the Dutch, now entered seriously into negotiations
with France. The queen acceded to these views, and sent
256 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1713.
special envoys to communicate with the court of Versailles.
The states-general tbund it impossible to continue hostilities
if England withdrew from the coalition; conferences were
consequently opened at Utrecht in the month of January,
17l!2, England took the important station of arbiter in tiie
great question there debated. The only essential conditions
which she demanded individually, were the renunciation of
all claims to the crow^n of France by Philip V., and the de-
molition of the harbor of Dunkirk. The first of these was
the more readily acceded to, as the great battles of Almanza
and Villaviciosa, gained by Philip's generals the dukes of
Berwick and Vendome, had steadily fixed him on the throne
of Spain — a point still more firmly secured by the death of
the emperor Joseph I., son of Leopold, and the elevation of
his brother Charles, Philip s competitor for the crown of
Spain, to the imperial dignity, by the title of Charles VI.
The peace was not definitively signed until the 11th of April,
1713 ; and France obtained far better conditions than those
which were refused her a few years previously. The Bel-
gian provinces were given to the new emperor, and must
henceforth be called the Austrian instead of the Spanish
Netherlands. The gold and the blood of Holland had been
profusely expended during this contest; it might seem for
no positive results : but the exhaustion produced to every one
of the other belligerents was a source of peace and prosperity
to the republic. Its commerce was re-established ; its finan-
cial resources recovered their level ; and" altogether we must
fix on the epoch now before us as that of its utmost point of
influence and greatness. France, on the contrary, was now
reduced from its palmy state of almost European sovereignty
to one of the deepest misery ; and its monarch, in his old
a^e, found little left of his former power but those records of
poetry, painting, sculpture, and architecture, which tell pos-
terity of his magnificence, and the splendor of which throw
his faults and his misfortunes into the shade.
The great object now to be accomplished by the United
Provinces, was the regulation of a distinct and guarantied
Ime of frontier between the republic and France. This ob-
ject had become by degrees, ever since the peace of Munster,
a fundamental maxim of their politics. The interposition of
the Belgian provinces betu-een the republic and France was
of serious inconvenience to the former in this point of view.
It was made the subject of a special article in " the grand
alliance." In the year 1707 it was particularly discussed
between England and the States, to the great discontent of
the emperor, who was far from wishing i1;s definitive settle-
1713. PEACE OF UTRECHT. 257
ment.* But it was now become an indispensable item in the
total of important measures whose accomplishment was called
for by the peace of Utrecht. Conferences were opened on
this sole question at Antwerp in the year 1714 ; and, after
protracted and difficult discussions, the treaty of the Barrier
was concluded on the 15th of November, 1715. For the
twenty-six articles contained in this important document we
must refer to the work the most valuable on such points, and
already so often quoted.f
This treaty was looked on with an evil eye in the Austrian
Netherlands. The clamor was g-reat and general ; jealousy
of the commercial prosperity of Holland being the real mo-
tive. Long negotiations took place on the subject of the
treaty; and in December, 1718, the republic consented to
modify some of the articles. The pragmatic sanction, pub-
lished at Vienna in 1713 by Charles VI., regulated the suc-
cession to all the imperial hereditary possessions ; and, among-
the rest, the provinces of the Netherlands. But this ar-
rangement, though guarantied by the chief powers of Europe,
was, in the sequel, little respected, and but indifferently exe-
cuted. |
CHAP. XXL
1713—1795.
FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT TO THE INCORPORATION OF BEL-
GIUM WITH THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.
During a period of thirty years following- the treaty of
Utrecht, the republic enjoyed the unaccustomed blessing- of
profound peace. While the discontents of the Austrian
Netherlands on the subject of the treaty of the Barrier were
in debate, the quadruple alliance was formed between Hol-
land, England, France, and the emperor, for reciprocal aid
against all enemies, foreign and domestic. § It was in virtue
of this treaty that the pretender to the English throne re-
ceived orders to remove from France ; and the states-general
about the same time arrested the Swedish ambassador, baron
Gortz, whose intrigues excited some suspicion. The death
of Louis XIV. had once more changed the political system
of Europe ; and the commencement of the eighteenth century
was fertile in neofotiations and alliances in which we have
* De Neny t. i. p. 141. t See De Neny's M6moires, t. i. p. 142, &c.
t De Neny § Smollett.
2bS HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1732.
at present but little direct interest. The riorhts of the repub-
lic were in all instances respected ; and Holland did not cease
to be considered as a power of the first distinction and conse-
quence. The establishment of an East India company at
Ostend, by the emperor Charles VL, in 1722, was the princi-
pal cause of disquiet to the United Provinces, and the most
likely to lead to a rupture. But, by the treaty of Hanover in
1726, the rights of Holland resulting- from the treaty of Mun-
ster were guarantied ; and in consequence the emperor abol-
ished the company of his creation, by the treaty of Seville in
1729, and that of Vienna in 1731.
The peace which now reigned in Europe allowed the Uni-
ted Provinces to direct their whole efforts towards the reform
of those internal abuses resulting from feudality and fanati-
cism. Confiscations were reversed, and property secured
throughout the republic. It received into its protection the
persecuted sectarians of France, Germany, and Hungary ;
and the tolerant wisdom which it exercised in these measures
gives the best assurance of its justice and prudence in one of
a contrary nature, forming a solitary exception to them'. This
was the expulsion of the Jesuits, whose dangerous and de-
structive doctrines had been long a warrant for this salutary
example to the Protestant states of Europe.
In the year 1732 the United Provinces were threatened
with imminent peril, which accident alone prevented from
becoming fatal to their very existence. It was perceived that
the dikes, which had for ages preserved the coasts, were in
many places crumbling to ruin, in spite of the enormous ex-
penditure of money and labor devoted to their preservation.
By chance it was discovered that the beams, piles, and other
timber works employed in the construction of the dikes, were
eaten through in all parts by a species of sea-worm hitherto
unknown. The terror of the people was, as may be supposed,
extreme. Every possible resource was applied which could
remedy the evil ; a hard frost providentially set in and de-
stroyed the formidable reptiles ;* and the country was thus
saved from a danger tenfold greater than that involved in a
dozen wars.
Tlie peace of Europe was once more disturbed in 1733.
Poland, Germany, France, and Spain, were all embarked in
the new war. Holland and England stood aloof; and another
family alliance of great consequence drew still closer than
ever the bonds of union between them. The young prince of
Orange, who in 1728 had been elected stadtholder of Gronin-
gen and Guelders, m addition to that of Friesland which had
* Smollett
1743. nA'rrLE or DETTiNGEiN. 259
been enjoyed by his father, had in the year 1734 mairied tlie
princess Anne, daughter of George XL of England ; and by
thus adding to the consideration of the house of Nassau, had
opened a field for the recovery of all its old distinctions.
The death of the emperor Charles VI., in October, 1740,
left his daughter, the archduchess Maria Theresa, heiress of
his throne and possessions. Young, beautiful, and endowed
with qualities of the highest order, she w^as surrounded with
enemies whose envy and ambition would have despoiled her
of her splendid rights. Frederick of Prussia, surnamed the
Great, in honor of his abilities rather than his sense of justice,
the electors of Bavaria and Saxony, and the kings of Spain
and Sardinia, all pressed forward to the spoliation of an in-
heritance which seemed a fair play for all comers. But Maria
Theresa, first joining her husband, duke Francis of Lorraine,
in her sovereignty, i3ut without prejudice to it, under the title
of co-regent, took an attitude truly heroic. When every thing
seemed to threaten the dismemberment of her states, she
threw herself upon the generous fidelity of her Hungarian
subjects w4th a dignified resolution that has few examples.
There w^as imperial grandeur even in her appeal to their
compassion. The results were electrical ; and the whole tide
of fortune was rapidly turned.
England and Holland were the first to come to the aid of
the young and interesting- empress. George II., at the head
of his army, gained the victory of Dettingen, in support of her
quarrel, in 1743 ; the states- general having contributed 20,000
men and a large subsidy to her aid. Louis XV. resolved to
throw his whole influence into the scale against these gener-
ous efforts in the princess's favor ; and he invaded the Austrian
Netherlands in the following year. Marshal Saxe commanded
under him, and at first carried every thing before him. Hol-
land, having furnished 20,000 troops and six ships of war to
George II. on the invasion of the young pretender, was little
in a state to oppose any formidable resistance to the enemy
that threatened her own frontiers. The republic, wholly at-
tached for so long a period to pursuits of peace and commerce,
had no longer good generals nor effective armies ; nor could
it even put a fleet of any importance to sea. Yet with all
these disadvantages it would not yield to the threats nor the
demands of France ; resolved to risk a new w^ar rather tlian
succumb to an enemy it had once so completely humbled and
given the law to.
Conferences were opened at Breda, but interrupted almost
as soon as commenced. Hostilities were renewed. The
memorable battle of Fontenoy was offered and gloriously fought
260 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1751.
by the allies; accepted and spendidly won by t?ie French.
Never did the Eng-lish and Dutch troops act more nobly in
concert than on this remarkable occasion. The valor of the
French was not less conspicuous ; and the success of the day
was in a great measure decided by the Irish battalions, sent,
by the lamentable politics of those and much later days, to
swell the ranks and gain the battles of England's enemies.
Marshal Saxe followed up his advantage the following year,
taking Brussels and many other towns. Almost the whole of
the Austrian Netherlands being now in the power of Louis
XV., and the United Provinces again exposed to invasion and
threatened with danger, they had once more recourse to the
old expedient of the elevation of the house of Orange, whicli
in times of imminent peril seemed to present a never-failing
palladium. Zealand was the first to give the impulsion ; the
other provinces soon followed the example ; and William IV.
was proclaimed stadtholder and captain-general, amidst the
almost unanimous rejoicings of all. These dignities were soon
after declared hereditary both in the male and female line of
succession of the house of Orange Nassau.
The year 1748 saw the termination of the brilliant cam-
paigns of Louis XV. during this bloody war of eight years'
continuance. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, definitively
signed on the 18th of October, put an end to hostilities; Maria
Theresa was established in her rights and power ; and Europe
saw a fair balance of the nations, which gave promise of se-
curity and peace. But the United Provinces, when scarcely
recovering from struggles which had so checked their pros-
perity, were employed in new and universal grief and anxiety
by the death of their young stadtholder, which happened at
the Hague, October V3, 1751. He had long been kept out
of the government, though by no means deficient in the talents
suited to his station. His son, William V., aged but three
years and a half, succeeded liim, under the guardianship of
his mother, Anne of England, daughter of George II. a prin-
cess represented to be of a proud and ambitious temper, who
mimediately assumed a high tone of authority in the state.*
The war of seven years, whicli agitated the north of Eu-
rope, and deluged its plains with blood, was almost the only
one in which the republic was able to preserve a strict neu-
trality throughout. But this happy state of tranquillity was
not, as on former occasions, attended by that prodigious in-
crease of commerce, and that accumulation of wealth, which
had so often astonished the world. Differing with England
on the policy which led the latter to weaken and humiliate
* Horace Walpole's Mem. vol. i. p. 179, 180,
1772. SEVEN VEAKS WAR. 261
France, jealousies sprung- up between the two countries, and
Dutch commerce became the object of tlie most vexatious
and injurious efforts on tlie part of England. Remonstrance
was vain ; resistance impossible ; and the decline of the re-
public hurried rapidly on. The Hanseatic towns, the Ameri-
can colonies, the northern states of Europe, and France
itself, all entered into the rivalry with Holland, in which,
however, England carried off the most important prizes. Sev
eral private and petty encounters took place between the
vessels of England and Holland, in consequence of the pre-
tensions of the former to the right of search ; and had the
republic possessed the ability of former periods, and the
talents of a Tromp or a De Ruyter, a new war would no
doubt have been the result. But it was forced to submit ; and
a degrading but irritating tranquillity v/as the consequence
for several years ; tlie national feelings receiving a salvo for
home-decline by som.e extension of colonial settlements in
the East, in which the island of Ceylon was included.
In the midst of this inglorious state of things, and the do-
mestic abundance which was the only compensation for the
gradual loss of national influence, the installation of William
V. in 1766 ; his marriage with the princess of Prussia, niece
of Frederick the Great, in 1768 ; and the birth of two sons, the
eldest on the 24th of August, 1772 ; successively took place.
Magnificent fetes celebrated these events ; the satisfied citi-
zens little imagining, amid their indolent rejoicings, the dis-
mal futurity of revolution and distress which was silently but
rapidly preparing for their country.
Maria Theresa, reduced to widowhood by the death of her
husband, whom she had elevated to the imperial dignity by
the title of Francis I., continued for a wliile to rule singly
her vast possessions ; and had profited so little by the suffer-
ing's of her own early reig-n, that she joined in the iniquitous
dismemberment of Poland, which has left an indelible stain
on her memory, and on that of Frederick of Prussia and
Catharine of Russia. In her own dominions she was adored ;
and her name is to this day cherished in Belgium among the
dearest recollections of the people.
The impulsion given to the political mind of Europe by the
revolution in North America was soon felt in the Nether-
lands. The wish for reform was not merely confirmed to the
people. A memorable instance was offered by Joseph II., son
and successor of Maria Theresa, that sovereigns were not
only susceptible of rational notions of change, but that the
infection of radical extravagance could penetrate even to the
imperial crown. Disgusted by the despotism exercised by
\162 uisTOKV Oh" Tin: nktukjj lands:. 11><1
the clergy of Belgium, Joseph commenced his roign by mea-
sures that at once roused a desperate spirit of hostility in the
priesthood, and soon spread among the bigoted mass of the
people, who were wholly subservient to their will. Miscal-
culating his own power, and undervaluing that of the priests,
the emperor issued decrees and edicts with a sweeping vio-
lence that shocked every prejudice and roused every passion
perilous to the country. Toleration to the Protestants, eman-
cipation of the clergy from the papal yoke, reformation in the
system of theological instruction, were among the wholesale
measures of the emperor's enthusiasm, so imprudently at-
tempted and so virulently opposed.
But ere the deep-sown seeds of bigotry ripened to revolt,
or produced the fruit of active resistance in Belgium, Holland
had to endure the mortification of another war with England.
The republic resolved on a futile imitation of the northern
powers, who had adopted the difficult and anomalous system
of an armed neutrality, for the prevention of English domina-
tion on the seas. The right of search, so proudly established
by this power, was not likely to be wrenched from it by mani-
festoes or remonstrances ; and Holland was not capable of a
more effectual warfare. In the year ITS], St. Eustache,
Surmam, Essequibo, and Demerara, were taken by Britisli
valor ; and in the following year several of the Dutch colo-
nies in the East, well fortified but ill defended, also fell into
the hands of England. Almost the whole of those colonies,
the remnants of prodigious power acquired by such incalcu-
lable instances of enterprise and courage, were one by one
assailed and taken. But this did not suiRce for the satisfac-
tion of English objects in the prosecution of the war. It was
also resolved to deprive Holland of the Baltic trade. A squad-
ron of seven vessels, commanded by Sir Hyde Parker, was
encountered on the Dogher Bank by a squadron of Dutch
ships of the same force under admiral Zoutman. An action
of four hours was maintained with all the ancient courage
which made so many of the memorable sea-fights between
Tromp, De Ruyter, Blake, and Monk, drawn battles. A
storm separated the combatants, and saved the honor of each ;
for both had suffered alike, and victory had belonged to
neither. The peace of 1784 terminated this short, but, to
Holland, fatal war; the two latter years of which had been,
in the petty warfare of privateering, most disastrous to the
commerce of the republic. Negapatani on the coast of Coro-
mandel, and the free navigation of the Indian seas, were
ceded to England, who occupied the other various colonies
taken durinsr the war.
1787 SPIRIT OF REVOLUTION. '26^^
Opinion was now rapidly opening out to that spirit of in-
tense inquiry which arose in France, and threatened to sweep
before it not only all that was corrupt, but every thing- that
tended to corruption. It is in the very essence of all kinds of
power to have that tendency, and, if not checked by salutary
means, to reach that end. But the reformers of the last cen-
tury, new in the desperate practice of revolutions, seeing* its
necessity, but ignorant of its nature, neither did nor could
place bounds to the careering whirlwind that they raised.
The well-meaning but intemperate changes essayed by Jo-
seph 11. in Belgium had a considerable share in tlie develop-
ment of free principles, although they at first seemed only to
excite the resistance of bigotry and strengthen the growth
of superstition. Holland was always alive to those feelings
of resistance to established authority which characterize re-
publican opinions ; and the general discontent at the result
of the war with England gave a good excuse to the pretended
patriotism which only wanted change, while it professed re-
form. The stadtholder saw clearly the storm which was
gathering, and which menaced his power. Anxious for the
present, and uncertain for the future, he listened to the sug-
gestions of England, and resolved to secure and extend by
foreign force the rights of which he risked the loss from do-
mestic faction.
In the divisions which were now loudly proclaimed among
the states, in favor of, or opposed to the house of Orange, the
people, despising all new theories which they did not com-
prehend, took open part with the family so closely connected
with every practical feeling of good which their country had
yet known. The states of Holland soon proceeded to mea-
sures of violence. Resolved to limit the power of the stadt-
holder, they deprived him of the comm.and of the garrison of
the Hague, and of all the other troops of the province ; and,
shortly afterwards, declared him removed from all his em-
ployments. The violent disputes and vehement discussions
consequent upon this measure, throughout the republic, an-
nounced an inevitable commotion. The advance of a Prus-
sian army tov/ards the frontiers inflamed the passiogs of one
party, and strengthened the conjfldence of the other. An in-
cident which now happened brought about the crisis even
sooner than was expected. The princess of Orange left her
palace at Loo to repair to the Hague ; and travelling with
great simplicity and slightly attended, she was arrested and
detained by a military post on the frontiers of the province
of Holland. The neighboring magistrates of the town of
Woesden refused her permission to continue her journey,
X;04 IIISTOKY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1787.
and forced her to return to Loo under such surveillance as
was usual witli a prisoner of state. The stadtholder and the
Eng-lish ambassador loudly complained of this outrage. The
complaint was answered by the immediate advance of the
duke of Brunswick, with 20,000 Prussian soldiers. Some
demonstrations of resistance were made by the astonished
party whose outrageous conduct had provoked the measure ;
but in tliree weeks' time the whole of the republic was in per-
fect obedience to the authority of the stadtholder, whu re-
sumed all his functions of chief mag-istrate, with the additional
influence which was sure to result from a vain and unjusti-
fiable attempt to reduce his former power.*
By this time, the discontent and aofitation in Belgium had
attained a most formidable height. The attempted reforma-
tion in religion and judicial abuses persisted in by the empe-
ror, were represented, by a party whose existence was com-
promised by reform, as nothing less than sacrilege and tyranny,
and blindly rejected by a people still totally unfitted for ra-
tional enlightenment in points of faith, or practices of civili-
zation. Remonstrances and strong complaints were soon
succeeded by tumultuous assemblages and open insurrection.
A lawyer of Brussels, named Vander Noot, put himself at
the head of the malcontents. The states-general of Brabant
declared the new measures of the emperor to be in opposition
to the constitution and privileges of the country. The other
Belgian provinces soon followed this example. The prince
Albert of Saxe-Tesclien, and the archduchess Maria Theresa,
his Vv-ife, were at this period joint governors-general of the
Austrian Netherlands. At the burst of rebellion, they at-
tempted to temporize ; but this only strengthened the revolu-
tionary party, while the emperor wholly disapproved their
measures, and recalled them to Vienna.
Count JNIurray was novv" named governor-general ; and it
was evident that the future fate of the provinces v>-as to de-
pend on the issue of civil war. Count Trautmansdorfl^, the
imperial minister at Brussels, and general D' Alton, who com-
manded the Austrian troops, took a high tone, and evinced a
peremptory resolution. The soldiery and the citizens soon
came into contact on many points; and blood was spilt at
Brussels, Mechlin, and Antwerp.
The provincial states were convoked, for the purpose of
voting the usual subsidies. Brabant, afler some opposition,
* We regret to be beyond the reach of Mr. Ellis's iiiterestinjr but unpub-
lished \vnrk,detailin<r the particulars of this revolution. The former perusal
of a copy of it only leaves a recollection of its admirable style and the lead-
ing facts, but not of the detaijs with sufficient accuracy to justify more than
a general reference to the work itself.
178«. INSURRECTIOIV AND CONFEDERATIO^. Ii(55
consented ; but the states of Ilainault unanimously refused
the vote. The emperor saw, or supposed, that the necessity
for decisive measures was now inevitable. The refractory
states were dissolved, and arrests and imprisonments were
multiplied in all quarters. Vander Noot, who had escaped to
England, soon returned to the Netherlands, and established a
committee at Breda, which conferred on him the imposing
title of agent plenipotentiary of the people of Brabant. He
hoped, under this authority, to interest the English, Prussian,
and Dutch governments in favor of his views ; but his pro-
posals were coldly received : Protestant states had little sym-
pathy for a people whose resistance was excited, not by tyran-
nical efforts against freedom, but by broad measures of civil
and religious reformation ; the only fault of which was their
attempted application to minds wholly incompetent to com
prehend their value.
Left to themselves, the Belgians soon gave a display of
that energetic valor which is natural to them, and which
would be entitled to still greater admiration had it been
evinced in a worthier cause. During the fermentation which
led to a general rising in the provinces, on the impulse of
fanatic zeal, the truly enlightened portion of the people con-
ceived the project of raising, on the ruins of monkish super-
stition and aristocratical power, an edifice of constitutional
freedom. Vonck, also an advocate of Brussels, took the lead
in this splendid design ; and he and his friends proved them-
selves to have reached the level of that true enlightenment
which distinguished the close of the eighteenth century. But
the Vonckists, as they were called, formed but a small mi-
nority compared with the besotted mass ; and, overwhelmed
by fanaticism on the one hand, and despotism on the other,
they were unable to act effectually for the public good. Van-
der Mersch, a soldier of fortune, and a man of considerable
talents, who had raised himself from the ranks to the com-
mand of a regiment, and had been formed in the school of the
seven years' war, was appointed to the command of the pa-
triot forces. Josepli II. was declared to have forfeited his
sovereignty in Brabant ; and hostilities soon commenced, by
a regular advance of the insurgent army upon that province.
Vander INIersch displayed consummate ability in this crisis,
where so much depended upon the prudence of the military
chief He made no rash attempt, to which commanders are
sometimes induced by reliance upon the enthusiasm of a
newly revolted people. He, however, took the earliest safe
opportunity of coming to blows with the enemy ; and, having
cleverly induced the Austrians to follow him into the very
2d<5 iiisTORv: of tiik Netherlands. 1791
streets of the town of Turnhout, he there entered on a bloodv
contest, and finally defeated the imperialists with considera-
ble loss. He next manoeuvred with great ability, and suc-
ceeded in making his way into the province of Flanders, took
Ghent by assault, and soon reduced Bruges, Ypres, and Os-
tend. At the news of these successes, the governors-general
quitted Brussels in all haste. The states of Flanders assem-
bled, in junction w^ith those of Brabant. Both provinces were
freed from the presence of the Austrian troops. Vander Noot
and the committee of Breda made an entrance hito Brussels
with all the pomp of royalty : and in the early part of the
following year (1790) a treaty of union was signed by the
seven revolted provinces, now formed into a confederation
under the name of the United Belgian States.*
All the hopes arising from these brilliant events, were soon,
however, to be blighted by the scorching heats of faction.
Joseph II., whose temperament appears to have been too sen-
sitive to support the shock of disappointment in plans which
sprung from the purest motives, saw, in addition to this suc-
cessful insurrection against his power, his beloved sister, the
queen of France, menaced with the horrors of an inevitable
revolution. His over-sanguine expectations of successfully
rivalling the glory of Frederick and Catharine, and the ill
success of his war against the Turks, all tended to break down
his enthusiastic spirit, which only wanted the elastic resist-
ance of fortitude to liave made him a great character. He
for some time sunk into a profound melancholy ; and expired
on the 20th of January, 1791, accusmg his Belgian subjects
of having caused his premature death.
Leopold, the successor of his brother, displayed much sa-
gacity and moderation in the measures which he adopted for
the recovery of the revolted provinces : but their internal
disunion was the best ally of the new emperor. The violent
party which now ruled at Brussels, had ungratefully forgot-
ten the eminent services of Vander Mersch, and accused him
of treachery, merely from his attachment to the noble views
and principles of the widely-increasing party of the Vonck-
ists. Induced by the hope of reconciling the opposing parties,
he left his army in Namur, and imprudently ventured into
the power of general Schoenfeld, who commanded the troops
of the states. Vander Mersch was instantly arrested and
thrown into prison, where he lingered for months, until set
free by the overthrow of the faction he had raised to power :f
but he did not recover his liberty to witness the realization
of his hopes for that of his country. The states-general, in
* De Smet. t Feller's Journal,
1792. WAR BETWEEN PRANCE AND AUSTRIA. 267
their triumph over all that was truly patriotic, occupied them-
selves solely in contemptible labors to establish the monkish
absurdities which Joseph had suppressed. The overtures of
the new emperor were rejected with scorn ; and, as mig-ht
be expected from this combination of bigotry and rashness,
the imperial troops under general Bender marched quietly to
the conquest of the whole country ; town after town opening-
their gates, while Vander Noot and his partisans betook them-
selves to rapid and disgraceful flight. On the 10th of De-
cember, 1791, the ministers of the emperor concluded a con-
vention with those of England, Russia, and Holland (which
powers guarantied its execution,) by which Leopold granted
an amnesty for all past offences, and confirmed to all his re-
covered provinces their ancient constitution and privileges :
and, thus returning under the domination of Austria, Bel-
gium saw its best chance for successfully following the noble
example of the United Provinces paralyzed by the short-
sighted bigotry which deprived the national courage of all
moral force.
Leopold enjoyed but a short time the fruits of his well-
measured indulgence : he died almost suddenly, March 1,
1792 ; and was succeeded by his son Francis II., whose fate
it was to see those provinces of Belgium, which had cost his
ancestors so many struggles to maintain, wrested for ever
from the imperial power. Belgium presented at this period
an aspect of paramount interest to the world ; less owing to
its intrinsic importance, than to its becoming at once the
point of contest between the contending powers, and the
theatre of the terrible struggle between republican France
and the monarchs she braved and battled witli. The whole
combinations of European policy were staked on the question
of the French possession of this country.*
This war between France and Austria began its earliest
operations on the very first days after the accession of Francis
II. The victory of Jemappes, gained by Dumouriez, was the
first great event of the campaign. The Austrians were on
all sides driven out. Dumouriez made his triumphal entry
into Brussels on the 13th of November : and immediately
after the occupation of this town, the whole of Flanders, Bra-
bant, and Hainault, with the other Belgian provinces, were
subjected to France. Soon afterwards several pretended
deputies from the Belgian people hastened to Paris, and im-
plored the convention to grant them a share of that liberty
and equality which was to confer such inestimable blessings
* Abbe de Pradt, de la Belgique, p. 6.
268 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1794.
on France. Various decrees were issued in consequence ;
and after the mockery of a public choice, hurried on in seve-
ral of the towns by hired jacobins and well-paid patriots, the
incorporation of the Austrian Netherlands with the French
republic was formally pronounced.'''
The next campaig-n destroyed this whole fabric of revolu-
tion. Dumouriez, beaten at Nerwinde by the prince of Saxe
Cobourg, abandoned not only his last year's conquest, but fled
from his own army to pass the remainder of his life on a
foreign soil, and leave his reputation a doubtful legacy to his-
tory. Belgium, once again in the possession of Austria, was
placed under the government of the archduke Charles, the
emperor's brother, who was destined to a very brief continu-
ance in this precarious authority.
During this and the succeeding year the war was continued
with unbroken perseverance and a constant fluctuation in its
results. In the various battles which were fought, and the
sieges which took place, the English army was, as usual, in
the foremost ranks, under the duke of York, second son of
George III. The prince of Orange, at the head of the Dutch
troops, proved his inheritance of the valor which seems inse-
parable from the name of Nassau. The archduke Charles
laid the foundation of his subsequent high reputation. The
emperor Francis himself fought valiantly at the head of his
troops. But all the coalesced courage of these princes and
their armies could not efllectually stop the progress of the re-
publican arms. The battle of Fleurus rendered the French
completely masters of Belgium ; and the representatives of
the city of Brussels once more repaired to the national con-
vention of France, to solicit the reincorporation of the two
countries. This was not, however, finally pronounced till the
1st of October, 1795, by which time the violence of an arbi-
trary government had given the people a sample of what they
were to expect.f The Austrian Netherlands and the province
of Liege were divided into nine departments, forming an in-
tegral part of the French republic ; and this new state of
things was consolidated by the preliminaries of peace, signed
at Leoben in Styria, between the French general Bonaparte
and the archduke Charles, and confirmed by the treaty of
Campo-Formio on the 17th of October, 1797.
* De Sraet. t De Sraet
1794 THE BATAVIAN REPUBLIC. 269
CHAP. XXII.
1794—1813.
FROM THE INVASION OF HOLLAND BY THE FRENCH TO THE
RETURN OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
While the fate of Belgium was decided on the plains of
Fleurus, Pichegru prepared to carry the triumphant arms of
France into the heart of Holland. He crossed the Meuse at
the head of 100,000 men, and soon gained possession of most
of the chief places of Flanders. An unusually severe winter
was setting in ; but a circumstance which in common cases
retards the operations of war was, in the present instance, the
means of hurrying on the conquest on which the French
general was bent. The arms of the sea, which had hitherto
been the best defences of Holland, now became solid masses
of ice ; battle-fields, on which the soldiers manoeuvred and
the artillery thundered, as if the laws of the elements were
repealed to hasten the fall of the once proud and long flour-
ishing republic. Nothing could arrest the ambitious ardor of
the invaders. The duke of York and his brave army resisted
to the utmost; but, borne down by numbers, he was driven
from position to position. Batteries, cannons, and magazines,
were successively taken ; and Pichegru was soon at the term
of his brilliant exploits.
But Holland speedily ceased to be a scene of warfare. The
discontented portion of the citizens, now the majority, re-
joiced to retaliate the revolution of 1787 by another, received
the French as liberators. Reduced to extremity, yet still
capable by the aid of his allies of making a long and des-
perate resistance, the stadtholder took the nobler resolution
of saving his fellow-citizens from the horrors of prolonged
warfare. He repaired to the Hague ; presented himself in
the assembly of the states-general ; and solemnly deposited in
their hands the exercise of the supreme power, which he
found he could no longer wield but to entail misery and ruin
on his conquered country. After this splendid instance of true
patriotism and rare virtue, he quitted Holland and took ref-
uge in England. The states-general dissolved a national as-
sembly installed at the Hague ; and, the stadtholderate abol-
ished, the United Provinces now changed their form of gov-
ernment, their long-cherished institutions, and their very
name, and were, christened the Batavian Republic.
Assurances of the most flattering nature were profusely
showered on the new state, by the sister republic which had
270 HISTORY OF THE NEl'HERLANDS.^ 1797.
effected this new revolution. But the first measure of re-
generation was the necessity of paying for the recovered in-
dependence, which was effected for tlie sum of 100,000,000
florins.* The new constitution was almost entirely modelled
on that of France, and the promised independence soon be-
came a state of deplorable suffering and virtual slavery. In-
calculable evils were the portion of Holland in the part which
she was forced to take in the war between France and Eng-
land. Her marine was nearly annihilated, and some of her
most valuable possessions in the Indies ravished from her by
the British arms. She was at the same time obliged to cede
to her ally the whole of Dutch Flanders, Maestricht, Venloo,
and their dependencies ; and to render free and common to
both nations the navigation of the Rhine, the Meuse, and the
Scheldt.
The internal situation of the unfortimate republic was de-
plorable. Under the weight of an enormous and daily in-
creasing debt, all the resources of trade and industry were
paralyzed. Universal misery took place of opulence, and
not even the consolation of a free constitution remained to
the people. They vamly sought that blessing from each new
government of the country whose destinies they followed,
but whose advantages they did not share. They saw them-
selves successively governed by the states-general, a national
assembly, and the directory. But these ephemeral authorities
had not sufficient weight to give the nation domestic happi-
ness, nor consideration among the other powers.
On the 11th of October, 1797, the English admiral Sir
Adam Duncan, with a superior force, encountered the Dutch
fleet under De Winter off Camperdown ; and in spite of the
bravery of the latter he was taken prisoner, with nme ships
of the line and a frigate. An expedition on an expensive
scale was soon after iltted out in England, to co-operate with
a Russian force for the establishment of the house of Orange.
The Holder was the destination of this armament, which was
commanded by Sir Ralph Abercrombie. The duke of York
soon arrived in the Texel with a considerable reinforcement.
A series of severe and well-contested actions near Bergen
ended in the defeat of the allies, and the abandonment of the
enterprise ; the only success of which was the capture of the
remains of the Dutch fleet, which was safely conveyed to
England.
From this period the weight of French oppression became
every day more intolerable in Holland. Ministers, generals,
and every other species of functionary, with swarms of minor
1806. LOUIS BONAPARTE. 271
tyrants, while treating- the country as a conquered province,
deprived it of all shure in the brilliant though chequered
glories g-ained by that to which it was subservient. The
Dutch were robbed of national independence and personal
freedom. While the words 'liberty' and 'equality' were
everywhere emblazoned, the French ambassador assumed an
almost oriental despotism. The language and forms of a free
g-ovcrninent were used only to sanction a foreign tyranny ;
and the Batavian republic, reduced to the most hopeless and
degraded state, was in fact but a forced appendage chained to
the triumphal car of France.
Napoleon Bonaparte, creatmg by the force of his prodi-
gious talents the circumstances of which inferior minds are
but the creatures, now rapidly rose to the topmost height of
power. He not only towered above the mass of prejudices
which long custom had legalized, but spurned the multitude
by whom these prejudices had been overthrown. Yet he
was not of the first order of great minds ; for he wanted that
grand principle of self-control, which is the supreme attribute
of greatness. Potent, and almost irresistible in every con-
flict Vv'ith others, and only to be vanquished by his own acts,
he possessed many of the higher qualities of genius. He
was rapid, resolute, and daring, filled with contempt for the
littleness of mankind, yet moulding every atom which com-
posed that littleness to purposes at utter variance with its
nature. In defiance of the first essence of republican theor}^
he built himself an imperial throne on the crushed privileges
of a prostrate people ; and he lavished titles and dignities on
men raised from its very dregs, with a profusion which made
nobility a by-word of scorn. Kingdoms were created for his
brothers and his friends ; and the Batavian republic was made
a monarchy, to give Louis a dignity, or at least a title, like
the rest.
The character of Louis Bonaparte was gentle and amiable,
his manners easy and afiable. He entered on his new rank
with the best intentions towards the country which he was
sent to reign over ; and though he felt acutely when the peo-
ple refused him marks of respect and applause, which was
frequently the case, his temper was not soured, and he con-
ceived no resentment. He endeavored to merit popularity;
and thougli his power was scanty, his efforts were not wholly
unsuccessful. He labored to revive the ruined trade, which
he knew to be the staple of Dutch prosperity : but the mea-
sures springing from this praiseworthy motive were totally
opposed to the policy of Napoleon ; and in proportion as Louis
made friends and partisans among his subjects he excited
18
272 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1810.
bitter enmity in his imperial brother. Louis was so averse
from the continental system, or exclusion of British manufac-
tures, that during his short reign every facility was given to
his subjects to elude it, even in defiance of the orders con-
veyed to him from Paris through the medium of the Frencli
ambassador at the Hague.* He imposed no restraints on
public opinion, nor would he establish the odious system of
espionage cherished by the French police : but he was fickle
in his purposes, and prodigal in his expenses. The profuse-
ness of his expenditure was very offensive to the Dutch no-
tions of respectability in matters of private finance, and in-
jurious to the existing state of the public means. The tyr-
anny of Napoleon became soon quite insupportable to him ;
so much so, that it is believed that had the ill-fated English
expedition to Walcheren in 1809 succeeded, and the army
advanced into the country, he would have declared war
agamst France.f After an ineffectual struggle of more than
three years, he chose rather to abdicate his throne than re-
tain it under the degrading conditions of proconsulate sub-
serviency. This measure excited considerable regret, and
much esteem for the man who preferred the retirement of
private life to the meanness of regal slavery. But Louis
left a galling memento of misplaced magnificence, in an in-
crease of 90 millions of florins (about 9 millions sterling) to
the already oppressive amount of the national debt of the
country.
The annexation of Holland to tiie French empire was im-
mediately pronounced by Napoleon. Two thirds of the na-
tional debt 'were abolished, the conscription law was intro-
duced, and the Berlin and Milan decrees against the intro-
duction of British manufactures were rigidly enforced. Tlie
nature of the evils inflicted o/ the Dutch people by this an-
nexation and its consequences iemands a somewhat minute
examination. Previous to it all that part of the territory of
the former United Provinces had been ceded to France. The
kingdom of Holland consisted of the departments of the
Zuyder Zee, the mouths of the Maese, the Upper Yssel, the
m.ouths of the Yssel, Friesland, an-d the Western and Eastern
Ems ; and the population of the whole did not exceed 1,800,000
souls. When Louis abdicated his throne, he left a military
and naval force of 18,000 men, who were immediately taken
into the service of France ; and in throe years and a half
after that event this number was increased to 50,000, by the
operation of the French naval and military code: thus about
a, thirty-sixth part of the whole population was employed in
* Cliaii. p. V2. + I.lrni. p. N.
1812. CONSCRIPTION. 273
arms. The forces included in the maritime conscription
were wholly employed in the navy. The national g-uards
were on constant duty in the garrisons or naval establish-
ments. The cohorts were by law only liable to serve in the
interior of the French empire ; — that is to say, from Ham-
burgh to Rome : but after the Russian campaign, this limita-
tion was disregarded, and they formed a part of Napoleon's
army at the battle of Bautzen.
The conscription laws now began to be executed with the
g-reatest rigor; and though the strictest justice and impar-
tiality were observed in the ballot and other details of this
most oppressive measure, yet it has been calculated that, on
an average, nearly one-half of the male population of the age
of twenty years was annually taken off. The conscripts were
told that their service was not to extend beyond the term of
five years ; but as few instances occurred of a French soldier
being discharged without his being declared unfit for service,
it was always considered in Holland that the service of a con-
script was tantamount to an obligation during life. Besides,
the regulations respecting the conscription were annually
changed, by which means the code became each year more
intricate and confused ; and as the explanation of any doubt
rested with the functionaries, to whom the execution of the
law was confided, there was little chance of their construc-
tions mitigating its severity.
But the conscription, however galling, was general in its
operation. Not so the formation of the emperor's guard of
honor. The members of this patrician troop were chosen
from the most noble and opulent families, particularly those
who were deemed inimical to the French connexion. The
selection depended altogether on the prefect, who was sure
to name those most obnoxious to his political or personal dis-
like, without regard to their rank or occupation, or even the
state of their health. No exemption was admitted — not even
to those who from mental or bodily infirmity, or other cause,
had been declared unfit for general military duty. The vic-
tims were forced to the mockery of volunteering their ser-
vices ; obliged to provide themselves with horses, arms, and
accoutrements ; and when arrived at the depot appointed for
their assembling, considered probably but as hostages for the
fidelity of their relatives.
The various taxes were laid on and levied in the most op-
pressive manner ; those on land usually amounting to 25, and
those on houses to 30 per cent, of the clear annual rent.
Other direct taxes were levied on persons and movable prop-
274 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1813.
erty, and all were regulated on a scale of almost intolerable
severity. The whole sum annually obtained from Holland by
these means amounted to about 30 millions of florins (or 3
million pounds sterling-,) being at the rate of about 1/. 136-. M.
from every soul inhabiting the country.
The operation of what was called the continental system
created an excess of misery in Holland, only to be understood
by those who witnessed its lamentable results. In other coun-
tries, Belgium for instance, where great manufactories exist-
ed, the loss of maritime communication was compensated by
the exclusion of English goods. In states possessed of large
and fertile territories, the population which could no longer
be employed in commerce might be occupied in agricultural
pursuits. But in Holland, whose manufactures were incon-
siderable, and whose territory is insufficient to support its
inhabitants, the destruction of trade threw innumerable indi-
viduals wholly out of employment, and produced a graduated
scale of poverty in all ranks. A considerable part of the popu-
lation had been employed in various branches of the traffic
carried on by means of the many canals which conveyed
merchandise from the seaports into the interior, and to the
different continental markets. When the communication with
England was cut off, principals and subordinates were in-
volved in a common ruin.
In France, the effect of the continental system was some-
what alleviated by the license trade, the exportation of vari-
ous productions forced on the rest of continental Europe, and
the encouragement given to home manufactures. But all
this was reversed in Holland : the few licenses granted to
the Dutch were clogged with duties so exorbitant as to make
them useless; the duties on one ship which entered the
Maese, loaded with sugar and coffee, amountmg to about
50,000/. sterling. At the same time every means were used
to crusTi the remnant of Dutch commerce and sacrifice the
country to France. The Dutch troops were clothed and
armed from French manufactories ; the frontiers were opened
to the introduction of French commodities duty free; and
the Dutch manufacturer undersold in his own market.
The population of Amsterdam was reduced from 220,000
souls to 190,000, of which a fourth part derived tlieir whole
subsistence from charitable institutions, whilst another fourth
part received partial succor from the same sources. At Haer-
lem, where the population had been chiefly employed in
bleaching and preparing linen made in Brabant, whole streets
wem levelled with the ground, and more than 500 houses
1813. OPPRESSION OF NAPOLEON. 275
destroyed. At the Hague, at Delft, and in other towns, many
inhabitants had been induced to pull down their liouses, from
inability to keep them in repair or pay the taxes. The pre-
servation of the dikes, requiring an annual expense of
600,000/. sterling-, was everywhere neglected. The sea in-
undated the country, and threatened to resume its ancient
dominion. No object of ambition, no source of professional
wealth or distinction, remained to which a Hollander could
aspire. None could voluntarily enter the army or navy, to
fight for the worst enemy of Holland. The clergy were not
provided with a decent competency. The ancient laws of
the country, so dear to its pride and its prejudices, were re-
placed by the Code Napoleon ; so that old practitioners had
to recommence their studies, and young men were disgusted
with the drudgery of learning a system which was universally
pronounced unfit for a commercial country.
Independent of this mass of positive ill, it must be borne in
mind that in Holland trade was not merely a means of gain-
ing wealth, but a passion long and deeply grafted on the na-
tional mind : so that the Dutch felt every aggravation of
calamity, considering themselves degraded and sacrificed by
a power which had robbed them of all which attaches a peo-
ple to their native land ; and, for an accumulated list of evils,
only offered them the empty glory of appertaining to the
country which gave the law to all the nations of Europe, with
the sole exception of England.
Those who have considered the events noted in this history
for the last 200 years, and followed the fluctuations of public
opinion depending on prosperity or misfortune, will have an-
ticipated that, in the present calamitous state of the country,
all eyes were turned towards the family whose memory was
revived by every pang of slavery, and associated with every
throb for freedom. The presence of the prince of Orange,
William IV., who had, on the death of his father, succeeded
to the title, though he had lost the revenues of his ancient
house, and the re-establishment of the connexion with Eng-
land, were now the general desire. Some of the principal
partisans of the house of Nassau were for some time in cor-
respondence with his most serene highness. The leaders of
the various parties into which the country was divided be-
came by degrees more closely united. Approaches towards
a better understanding were reciprocally made ; and they
ended in a general anxiety for the expulsion of the French,
with the establishment of a free constitution, and a cordial
desire that the prince of Orange should be at its head. It
376 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1813
may be safely affirmed, that at the close of the year 1813,
these were the unanimous wishes of the Dutch nation.*
Napoleon, lost in the labyrinths of his exorbitant ambition,
afforded at leng-th a chance of redress to the nations he had
enslaved. Elevated so suddenly and so high, he seemed sus-
pended between two influences, and untit for either. He
might, in a moral view, be said to have breathed badly, in a
station which was beyond the atmosphere of his natural
world, without being- out of its attraction ; and having reach-
ed the pinnacle, he soon lost his balance and fell. Driven
from Russia by the junction of human with elemental force,
in 1812, he made some grand efforts in the following year to
recover from his irremediable reverses. The battles of Baut-
zen and Lutzen were the expiring effjrts of his greatness.
That of Leipsic put a fatal negative upon the hopes that
sprung from the two former; and the obstinate ambition,
which at this epoch made him refuse the most liberal offers
of the allies, was justly punished by humiliation and defeat.
Almost all the powers of Europe now leagued against him ;
and France itself being worn out by his wasteful expenditure
of men and money, he had no longer a chance in resistance.
The empire was attacked at all points. The French troops
in Holland were drawn off to reinforce the armies in distant
directions; and the whole military force in that country
scarcely exceeded 10,000 men. The advance of the combined
armies towards the frontiers became generally known : par-
ties of Cossacks had entered the north of Holland in N^ovem-
ber, and were scouring the country beyond the Yssel. The
moment for action on the part of the Dutch confederate pa-
triots had now arrived ; and it was not lost or neglected.
A people inured to revolutions for upwards of two centu-
ries, filled with proud recollections, and urged on by well-
digested hopes, were the most likely to understand the best
period and the surest means for success. An attempt that
might have appeared to other nations rash, was proved to be
wise, both by the reasonings of its authors and its own re-
sults. The intolerable tyranny of France had made the popu-
lation not only ripe, but eager for revolt. This disposition
was acted on by a few enterprising men, at once partisans of
the house of Orange, and patriots in the truest sense of the
word. It would be unjust to omit the mention of some of their
names, in even this sketch of the events which sprang from
their courage and sagacity. Count Styrum, Messieurs Repe-
* Chad. p. 39. — [We have in all this portion of our history taken this work
as our chief authority ; having reason to know that it is considered the
most authentic record of feelings as well as events]
1W13. PKTNCE (IF OKANGE PROCLAIMED. * 277
laer d'Jonge, Van Hoofendorp, Vander Duyn van Maasdam,
and Changuion, were the chiefs of the intrepid junta which
planned and executed the bold measures of enfranciiisement,
and drew up the outlines of the constitution which was after-
wards enlarged and ratified. Their first movements at the
Hague were totally unsupported by foreign aid. Their early
checks from the exasperated French and their over-cautious
countrymen, would have deterred most men embarked in
so perilous a venture; but they never swerved nor shrank
back. At the head of a force, which courtesy and policy
called an army, of 300 national guards badly armed, 50 citizens
carrying fowling-pieces, 50 soldiers of the old Dutch guard,
400 auxiliary citizens armed witji pikes, and a cavalry force
of 20 young men, the confederates boldly proclaimed the
prince of Orange, on the 17th of November, 1813, in their
open village of the Hague, and in the teeth of a French force
of full 10,000 men, occupying every fortress in the country.
While a few gentlemen thus boldly came forward, at their
own risk, with no funds but their private fortunes, and only
aided by an unarmed populace, to declare war against the
French emperor, they did not even know the residence of the
exiled prince in whose cause they were now so completely
compromised. The other towns of Holland were in a state
of the greatest incertitude: Rotterdam liad not moved; and
the intentions of admiral Kickert, who commanded there,
were (mistakenly) supposed to be decidedly hostile to the na-
tional cause. Amsterdam had, on the preceding day, been
the scene of a popular commotion, which jiowever bore no
decided character ; the rioters having been fired on by the
national guard, no leader coming forward, and the proclama-
tion of the magistrates cautiously abstaining from any allu-
sion to the prince of Orange. A brave officer, captain Falck,
had made use of many strong but inefficient arguments to
prevail on the timid corporation to declare for the prince ;
the presence of a French garrison of sixty men seeming suf-
ficient to preserve their patriotism from any violent excess.
The subsequent events at the Hague, furnish an inspiring
lesson for all people who would learn, that to be free they
must be resolute and daring. The only hope of the confed-
erates was from the British government, and the combined
armies then acting in the north of Europe. But many days
were to be lingered tin-ough before troops could be embarked,
and make their way from England in the teeth of the easterly
whids then prevailing ; while a few Cossacks, hovering on
the confines of Holland, gave the only evidence of the prox-
imity of the allied forces.
'278 ' HISTORY OF THE NKTHERLAN D-S. 1813.
In this crisis, it was most fortunate that the French prefect
at the Hague, M. de Stassart, had stolen away on the earliest
alarm ; and the French garrison, of 400 chasseurs, aided by
100 well-armed custom-house ofRcers, under tlie command of
general Bouvier des Eclats, caught the contagious fears of
the civil functionary. This force had retired to the old palace,
— a building in the centre of the town, the depot of all the
rms and ammunition then at the Hague, and, from its posi-
tion, capable of some defence. But the general and his gar-
rison soon felt a complete panic from the bold attitude of
count Styrum, who made the most of his little means, and
kept up, during the night, a prodigious clatter by his twenty
horsemen ; sentinels challenging, amidst incessant singing
and shouting, cries of " Oranje hoveni''' " Vivat Oranjel'^
and clamorous patrols of the excited citizens. At an early
hour on the 18th, the French general demanded terms, and
obtained permission to retire on Gorcum, his garrison being
escorted as far as the village of Ryswick, by the twenty cav-
aliers who composed the vv hole mounted force of the patriots.
Unceasing efforts were now made to remedy the want of
arms and men. A quantity of pikes were rudely made and
distributed to the volunteers, who crowded in ; and numerous
fishing-boats were dispatched in different directions to inform
the British cruisers of the passing events. An individual
named Pronck, an inhabitant of Schsevening, a village of the
coast, rendered great services in this Vv'ay, from his influence
among the sailors and fishermen in the neighborhood.
The confederates spared no exertion to increase the confi-
dence of the people, under many contradictory and disheart-
ening contingencies. An ofiicer who had been dispatched
for advice and information to baron Bentinck, at Zwolle, who
was in communication with the allies, returned with the dis-
couraging news that general Bulovv had orders not to pass
the Yssel, the allies having decided not to advance into Hol-
land beyond the line of that river. A meeting of^the ancient
regents of the Hague v/as convoked by the proclamation of
the confederates, and took place at the house of Mr. Van Ho-
gendorp, the ancient residence of the De Witts. The wary
magistrates absolutely refused all co-operation in the daring
measures of the confederates, who had now the whole re-
sponsibility on their heads, with little to cheer them on in
their perilous career, but their own resolute hearts, and the
recollection of those days when their ancestors, with odds as
fearfully against them, rose up and shivered to atoms the
yoke of their oppressors.
Some days of intense anxiety now elapsed ; and various
18iy. AKMIES OF UTRECHT AND GORCL'JM. 279
incidents occurred to keep up the general excitement. Re-
inforcements came gradually in ; no hostile measure was re-
sorted to by the French troops ; yet the want of success, as
rapid as was proportioned to the first movements of the revo-
lution, threw a gloom over all. Amsterdam and Rotterdam
still held back ; but the nomination of Messrs. Van Hogen-
dorp and Vander Duyn Van Maasdam to be heads of the gov
ernment, until the arrival of the prince of Orange, and a
formal abjuration of the emperor Napoleon, inspired new
vigor into the public mind. Two nominal armies w^ere formed,
and two generals appointed to the command ; and it is im-
possible to resist a smile of mingled amusement and admira-
tion, on reading the exact statement of the forces, so pomp-
ously and so effectively announced as forming the armies of
Utrecht and Gorcum.
The first of these, commanded by major-general D'Jonge,
consisted of
300 Infantry,
32 Volunteer cavalry, with
2 Eight pounders.
The latter, under the orders of major-general Sweertz Van
Landas, was composed of ■
250 of the Hague Orange guard,
30 Prussian deserters from the French garrison,
300 Volunteers,
40 Cavalry, with
2 Eight pounders.
The " army of Gorcum" marched on the 22d on Rotter-
dam : its arrival was joyfully hailed by the people, who con-
tributed 300 volunteers to swell its ranks. The " army of
Utrecht" advanced on Leyden, and raised the spirits of the
people by the display of even so small a force. But still the
contrary winds kept back all appearance of succor from Eng-
land; the enemy was known to meditate a general attack on
the patriot lines from Amsterdam to Dordrecht. The bad
state of the roads still retarded the approach of the far-distant
armies of the allies ; alarms, true and false, were spread on
all hands, — when tlie appearance of 300 Cossacks, detached
from the Russian armies beyond the Ysscl, prevailed over the
hesitation of Amsterdam and the other towns, and they at
length declared for the prince of Orange.
But this somewhat tardy determination seemed to be tlie
signal for various petty events, w^hich at an epoch like that
were magnified into transactions of the most fatal import. A
reinforcement of 1500 French troops reached Gorcum from
Antwerp : a detachment of twenty-five Dutch, with a piece
280 HISTOKY or THE ^'ETHERLA^DS. 1813.
of cannon, were surprised at one of the outposts of Woerden,
which had been previously evacuated by the French, and the
recapture of the town was accompanied by some excesses.
The numbers and the cruelties of the enemy were greatly ex-
aggerated. Consternation began to spread all over the coun-
try. The French, who seemed to have recovered from their
panic, liad resumed on all sides offensive operations. The
garrison of Gorcum made a sortie, repulsed the force under
general Van Landas, entered the town of Dordrecht, and le-
vied contributions : but the inhabitants soon expelled them ;
and the army was enabled to resume its position.
Still the wind continued adverse to arrivals from the Eng-
lish coast; the Cossacks, so often announced, had not yet
reached the Hague ; and the small unsupported parties in the
neighborhood of Amsterdam were in daily danger of being
cut off.
In this crisis the confederates were placed in a most critical
position. On the eve of failure, and with the certainty, in
such a result, of being branded as rebels and zealots, whose
rashness had drawn down ruin on themselves, their families,
and their country, it required no common share of fortitude
to bear up against the danger that threatened them. Aware
of its extent, they calmly and resolutely opposed it; and each
seemed to vie with the others in energy and firmness.
The anxiety of the public had reached the utmost possible
height. Every shifting of the wind was watched with nerv-
ous agitation. The road from the Hague to the sea was con-
stantly covered with a crowd of every age and sex. Each
sail that came in sight was watched and examined with in-
tense interest ; and at lengtli, on the 26th of November, a
small boat was seen to approach the shore, and the inquiring
glances of the observers soon discovered that it contained an
Englishman. This individual, who had come over on a mer-
cantile adventure, landed amidst the loudest acclamation, and
was conducted by the populace in triumph to the governor's.
Dressed in an English volunteer uniform, he showed himself
in every part of the town, to the great deliglit of the people,
who hailed him as the precursor and type of an army of de-
liverers.
The French soon retreated before the marvellous exag-
gerations which the coming of this single Englishman gave
rise to. The Dutch displayed great ability in the transmis-
sion of false intelligence to the enemy. On the 27th Mr.
Fagel arrived from England with a letter from the prince of
Orange, announcing his immediate coming ; and finally, the
disembarkation of 200 English marines, on the 29th, was fol-
1813. WILLIAM LAiSDS IN HOLLAND. 281
lowed the next day by the landing of the prince, whose impa-
tience to throw himself into the open arms of his country
made him spurn every notion of risk and every reproach for
rashness. He was received with indescribable enthusiasm.
The g^enerous flame rushed through the whole country. No
bounds were set to the aflfectionate confidence of the nation ,
and no prince ever gave a nobler example of gratitude. As
the people everywTiere proclaimed William I. sovereign
prince, it was proposed that he should everywhere assume
that title. It was, however, after some consideration, decided
that no step of this nature should be taken till his most serene
highness had visited the capital. On the 1st of December
the prince issued a proclamation to his countrymen, in which
he states his hopes of becoming, by the blessing of Providence,
the means of restoring them to their former state of indepen-
dence and prosperity. " This," continued he, " is my only
object; and I have the satisfaction of assuring you, tliat it is
also the object of the combined powers. This is particularly
the wish of the prince regent and the British nation ; and it
will be proved to you by the succor which that powerful
people will immediately afford you, and which w^ill, I hope,
restore those ancient bonds of alliance and friendshi]) which
were a source of prosperity and happiness to both countries,"
This address being distributed at ^Amsterdam, a proclamation,
signed by the commissioners of the confederate patriots, was
published there the same day : it contained the following pas-
sages, remarkable as being the first authentic declaration of
the sovereignty subsequently conferred on the prince of Or-
ange : — " The uncertainty which formerly existed as to the
executive power will no longer paralyze your efibrts. It is
not William tlie sixth stadtholder whom the nation recalls,
without knowing vvhat to hope or expect from him ; but Wil-
liam I. whooflers himself as sovereign prince of this free coun-
try." The following day, the 2d of December, the prince
made his entry into Amsterdam, He did not, like some other
sovereigns, enter by a breach through the constitutional liber-
ties of his country, in imitation of the conquerors from the
Olympic games, who returned to the city by a breach in its
walls: he went forward borne on tlie enthusiastic greetings
of his fellow-countrymen, and meeting their confidence by a
full measure of magnanimity. On the 3d of December he
published an address, from which we shall quote one para-
graph.— " You desire, Netherlands ! that I should be intrusted
with a greater share of power than I should have possessed
but for my absence. Your confidence, your affection, offer
me the sovereignty ; and I am called upon to accept it, since
282 HISTORY OF THE ^ETHERLA^'DS. 161 1.
the state of my country and the situation of Europe require
it. I accede to your wishes. I overlook the difficulties which
may attend such a measure ; I accept the offer which you
have made me ; but I accept it only on one condition, — that it
shall be accompanied by a wise constitution, which shall guar-
anty your liberties, and secure them against every attack.
My ancestors sowed the seeds of your independence : the
preservation of that independence shall be the constant object
of the efforts of myself and those around me."
CHAP. XXIII.
1814—1815.
FROM THE INSTALLATION OF AVILLIAM I. AS PRINCE SOVEREIGN OF
THE NETHERLANDS TO THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.
The regeneration of Holland was rapid and complete.
Within four months, an army of 25,000 men was raised ; and
in the midst of financial, judicial, and commercial arrange-
ments, the grand object of the constitution was calmly and
seriously debated. A committee, consisting of fourteen per-
sons of the first importance in the several provinces, furnished
the result of three months' labors in the plan of a political
code, which was immediately printed and published for the
consideration of the people at large. Twelve hundred names
were next chosen from among the most respectable house-
holders in the different towns and provinces, including per-
sons of every religious persuasion, whetlier Jews or Chris-
tians. A special commission was then formed, who selected
from this number 600 names; and every housekeeper was
called on to give his vote for or against their election. A
large majority of the 600 notables thus chosen met at Am-
sterdam, on the 28th of P.Iarch, 1814. The following day they
assembled with an immense concourse of people, m the great
church, which was splendidly fitted up for the occasion; and
then and there the prince, in an impressive speech, solemnly
offered the constitution for acceptance or rejection. After a
few hours' deliberation, a discharge of artillery announced to
the anxious population that the constitution had been accepted.
The numbers present were 483, and the votes as follows : —
Ayes, - . - 458
Noes, - - - - 25.
There were 117 members absent ; several of these were
1814, THE CONSTITUTION ACCEPTED. 283
kept away by unavoidable obstacles. The majority amonaf
tliem was considered as dissentients; but it was calculated
that if the whole body of 600 had voted, the adoption of tlie
constitution w^ould have been carried by a majority of five
sixths. The dissentients chiefly objected to the power of de-
claring war and concluding- treaties of peace being vested in
the sovereign. Some individuals urged that the Protestant
interest was endangered by the admission of persons of every
persuasion to all public offices ; and the Catholics complained
that the state did not sufficiently contribute to the support of
their religious establishments.
Such objections as these were to be expected, from indi-
vidual interest or sectarian prejudices. But they prove that
the whole plan was fairly considered and solemnly adopted ;
that so far from being the dictation of a government, it was
the freely chosen charter of the nation at large, offered and
sworn to by the prince, w^hose authority was only exerted in
restraining and modifying the over-ardent generosity and con-
fidence of the people.
Only one day more elapsed before the new sovereign was
solemnly inaugurated, and took the oath prescribed by the
constitution — " I swear that first and above all things I will
maintain the constitution of the United Netherlands, and that
I will promote, to the utmost of my power, the independence
of the state, and the liberty and prosperity of its inhabitants."
In the eloquent simplicity of this pledge, the Dutch nation
found an ample guarantee for their freedom and happiness.
With their characteristic wisdom and moderation, they saw
that the obligation it imposed embraced every thing they
could demand ; and they joined in the opinion expressed by
the sovereign in his inaugural address, that " no greater de-
gree of liberty could be desired by rational subjects, nor any
larger share of power by the sovereign, than that allotted to
them respectively by the political code."
While Holland thus resumed its place among free nations,
and France was restored to the Bourbons by the abdication of
Napoleon, the allied armies had taken possession of and oc-
cupied the remainder of the Low Countries, or those prov-
inces distinguished by the name of Belgium (but then still
forming departments of the French empire,) and the provi
sional government was vested in baron Vincent, the Austrian
general. This choice seemed to indicate an intention of re-
storing Austria to her ancient domination over the country.
Such was certainly the common opinion among those w-ho had
no means of penetrating the secrets of European policy at
that important epoch. It was in fact, quite conformable to
284 HISTORY OF TIIE NETHERLANDS. 1814.
the principle of statu quo ante helium, adopted towards
France. Baron Vincent himself seemed to have been im-
pressed with the false notion ; and there did not exist a doubt
throughout Belgium of the re-establisment of the old insti-
tutions.
But the mtentions of the allied powers were of a nature
far different. The necessity of a consolidated state capable
of offering a barrier to French aggression on the Flemish
frontier, was evident to the various powers who had so long
suffered from its want. By England particularly, such a field
was required for the operations of her armies; and it was
also the interest of that nation that Holland, whose welfare
and prosperity are so closely connected with her own, should
enjoy the blessings of national independence and civil liberty,
guarantied by internal strength as well as friendly alliances.
The treaty of Paris (:3()th May, 1814) was the first act
which gave an open manifestation of this principle. It was
stipulated by its sixth article, that " Holland, placed under
the sovereignty of the house of Orange, should receive an in-
crease of territory." In this was explained the primitive no-
tion of the creation of the kingdom of the Netherlands, based
on the necessity of augmenting the power of a nation which
was destined to turn the balance between France and Ger-
many. The following month witnessed the execution of the
treaty of London, which prescribed the precise nature of the
projected increase.
It was wholly decided, without subjecting the question to
the approbation of Belgium, that that country and Holland
should form one United State ; and the rules of government
in the chief branches of its administration were completely
fixed. The prince of Orange and the plenipotentiaries of
the great allied powers covenanted by this treaty — first, that
the union of the two portions forming the kingdom of the
Netherlands should be as perfect as possible, forming one
state, governed in conformity with the fundamental law of
Holland, which might bo modified by common consent:
secondly, that religious liberty, and the equal right of citizens
of all persuasions to fill all the employments of the state,
should be maintained : thirdly, that the Belgian provinces
should be fairly presented in the assembly of the states-gene-
ral ; and that the sessions of the states in time of peace should
be held alternately in Belgium and in Holland : fourthly and
fiflhly, that all the commercial privileges of the country
should be common to the citizens at large ; that the Dutch
colonies should be considered as belonging equally to Bel-
1614. THE DUTCH CHARACTER. 285
giiim : and finally, that the public debt of the two countries,
and the expenses of its interest, should be borne in common.
We shall now briefly recapitulate some striking points in
the materials which were thus meant to be amalgamated.
Holland, wrenched from the Spanish yoke by the genius and
courage of the early princes of Orange, had formed for two
centuries an independent republic, to which the extension of
maritime commerce had given immense wealth. The form
of government was remarkable. It was composed of seven
provinces, mutually independent of each other. These prov-
inces possessed during the middle ages constitutions nearly
similar to that of England : a sovereign with limited power ;
representatives of the nobles and commons, whose concur-
rence with the prince was necessary for the formation of
laws; and, finally, the existence of municipal privileges,
which each town preserved and extended by means of its
proper force. This state of things had known but one altera-
tion— but that a mighty one — the forfeiture of Philip II. at
the latter end of the sixteenth century, and the total abolition
of monarchical power.
The remaining' forms of the government were hardly
altered ; so that the state was wholly regulated by its ancient
usages ; and, like some Gothic edifice, its beauty and solidity
were perfectly original, and difl:erent from the general rules
and modern theories of surrounding nations. The country
loved its liberty such as it found it, and not in the fashion of
any Utopian plan traced by some new-fangled system of politi-
cal philosophy. Inherently Protestant and commercial, the
Dutch abhorred every yoke but that of their own laws, of
which they were proud even in their abuse. They held in
particular detestation all French customs, in remembrance of
the wretchedness they had suffered from French tyranny;
they had unbounded confidence in the house of Orange, from
long experience of its hereditary virtues. The main strength
of Holland was, in fact, in its recoil ectiorKS ; but these, per-
haps, generated a germ of discontent, in leading* it to expect
a revival of all the influence it had lost, and was little likely
to recover, in the total change of systems and the variations
of trade. There nevertheless remained sufficient capital ir
the country, and the people were sufficiently enlightened, tr;
give just and extensive hope for the future which now dawned
on them. The obstacles offered by the* Dutch character to
the proposed union were chiefly to be found in the dogmatical
opinions, consequent on the isolation of the country from all
the principles tliat actuated otlier states, and particularly that
with which it was now joined : while long-cherished senti-
286 HISTORY OF the Netherlands. 1814.
ments of o])position to the Catholic religion was little likely
to lead to feoling-s of accommodation and sympathy with its
new fellow-citizens.
The inhabitants of Belgium, accustomed to foreign domi-
nation, were little shocked by the fact of the allied powers
having disposed of their fate without consulting their wishes.
But they were not so indifferent to the double discovery of
finding themselves the subjects of a Dutch and a Protestant
king. Without entering at large into any invidious discus-
sion on the causes of the natural jealousy which they felt
towards Holland, it may suffice to state that such did exist,
and in no very moderate degree. The countries had hithertc
had but little community of interests with each other ; and
they formed elements so utterly discordant as to afford but
slight hope that they would speedily coalesce. The lower
classes of the Belgian population were ignorant as well as
superstitious (not that these two qualities are to be considered
as inseparable) ; and if they were averse to the Dutch, they
were perhaps not more favorably disposed to the French and
Austrians. The majority of the nobles may be said to have
leant more, at this period, to the latter than to either of the
other two people. But the great majority of the industrious
and better informed portions of the middle orders felt differ-
ently from the other two, because they had found tangible
and positive advantages in their subjection to France, which
overpowered every sentiment of political degradation.
We thus see there was little sympathy between the mem-
bers of the national family. The first glance at the geo-
graphical position of Holland and Belgium might lead to a
belief that their interests were analogous. But we have
traced the anomalies m government and religion in the two
countries, which led to totally different pursuits and feelings.
Holland had sacrificed manufactures to commerce. The in-
troduction, duty free, of grain from the northern parts of
Europe, though checking the progress of agriculture, had
not prevented it to flourish marvellously, considering this
obstacle to culture ; and, faithful to their traditional notions,
the Dutch saw the elements of well-being only in that liberty
of importation which had made their harbors the marts and
magazines of Europe, But the Belgian, to use the expres-
sions of an acute and well-informed writer, "restricted in the
thrall of a less liberal religion, is bounded in the narrow cir-
cle of his actual locality. Concentrated in his home, he does
not look beyond the limits of his native land, which he re-
gards exclusively. Incurious, and stationary in a happy ox-
1815. FORMATION OF THE MO^AKCJlY. 287
istence, he has no interest in what passes beyond his own
doors."*
Totally unaccustomed to the free principles of trade so
cherished by the Dutch, the Belgians had found, under the
protection of the French custom-house laws, an internal com-
merce and agricultural advantages, which composed their
peculiar prosperity. They found a consumption for the pro-
duce of their well-cultivated lands, at high prices, in the
neighboring provinces of France. The webs woven by the
Belgian peasantry, and generally all the manufactures of the
country, met no rivalry from those of England, which were
strictly prohibited ; and being commonly superior to those of
France, the sale was sure and the profit considerable.
Belgium was as naturally desirous of this state of things
ari Holland was indifierent to it ; but it could only have been
accomplished by the destruction of free trade, and the exclu-
sive protection of internal manufactures. Under such dis-
crepancies as we have thus traced in religion, character, and
local interests, the two countries were made one ; and on the
new monarch devolved the hard and delicate task of recon-
ciling each party in the ill-assorted match, and inspiring them
with sentiments of mutual moderation.
Under the title of governor-general of the Netherlands
(for his intended elevation to the throne, and the definitive
junction of Holland and Belgium were still publicly un-
known), the prince of Orange repaired to his new state. He
arrived at Brussels in the month of August, 1814, and his
first effort was to gam the hearts and the confidence of the
people, though he saw the nobles and the higher orders of
the inferior classes (with the exception of the merchants) in-
triguing all around him for the re-establishment of the Aus-
trian power. Petitions on this subject were prmted and dis-
tributed ; and the models of those anti-national documents
may still be referred to in a work published at the time.f
As soon as the moment came for promulgating the decision
of the sovereign powers as to the actual extent of the new
kingdom — that is to say, in the month of February, 1815 —
the whole plan was made public : and a commission, consist-
ing of twenty-seven members, Dutch and Belgian, was form-
ed, to consider the modifications necessary in the fundamental
law of Holland, in pursuance of the stipulation of the treaty
of London. After due deliberation these modifications were
* L'Abb6 de Pradt, de la Belgique, pp. 10. 14.
t History of the Low Countries, by St. Genoist.
19
288 IllSTORV OF THE NETHERLANDS?. 1815.
formed, and the great political pact was completed for the
final acceptance of the king and people.
As a document so important merits particular consideration,
in reference to the formation of the new monarchy, we shall
briefly condense the reasonings of the most impartial and
well-informed classes in the country on the constitution now
about to be framed. Every one agreed that some radical
change in the whole form of government was necessary, and
that its main miprovement should be the strengthening of the
executive power. That possessed by the former stadtholders
of Holland was often found to be too much for the chief of a
republic, too little for the head of a monarchy.* The assem-
bly of the states-general, as of old constructed, was defective
in many points ; in none so glaringly so, as in that condition
which required unanimity in questions of peace or war, and
in the provision, from which .they had no power to swerve,
that all the taxes should be uniform. Both these stipulations
were, of sheer necessity, continually disregarded ; so that
the government could be carried on at all only by repeated
violations of the constitution. In order to excuse measures
dictated by this necessity, each stadtholder was perpetually
obliged to form partisans, and he thus became the hereditary
head of a faction.f His legitimate power was trifling ; but
his influence was capable of fearful increase : for the prin-
ciple which allowed him to infringe the constitution, even on
occasions of public good, might be easily warped into a pre-
text for encroachments that had no bounds but his own will.
Besides, the preponderance of the deputies from the com-
mercial towns in the states-general caused the others to be-
come mere ciphers in times of peace ; only capable of clogging
the march of affairs, and of being, on occasions of civil dis-
sensions, the mere tools of whatever party possessed the
greatest tact in turning them to their purpose. | Hence a
wide field was open to corruption. Uncertainty embarrassed
every operation of the government. The Hague became an
arena for the conflicting intrigues of every court in Europe.
Holland was dragged into almost every war ; and thus grad-
ually weakened from its rank among independent nations, it
at length fell an easy prey to the French invaders.
To prevent the recurrence of such evils as those, and to
establish a kingdom on the solid basis of a monarchy, une-
quivocal in its essence yet restrained in its prerogative, the
constitution we are now examining was established. Accord-
ing to the report of the commissioners who framed it, "It is
* Chad. \ Idem. t Idem.
1815. NAPOLEON ItETURNS FROM ELBA. 289
founded on the manners and liabits of the nation, on its pub-
lic economy and its old institutions, with a disregard for the
ephemeral constitutions of the ag-c. It is not a mere abstrac-
tion, more or less ingenious, but a law adapted to 'the state
of the country in the nineteenth century. It did not recon-
struct what was worn out by tune ; but it revived all that
was worth preserving. In such a system of laws and insti-
tutions w^ell adapted to each other, the members of the com-
mission belonging to the Belgian provinces recognized tlie
basis of their ancient charters, and the principles of their
former liberty. They found no difficulty in adapting this law,
so as to make it common to the two nations, united by ties
which had been broken only for their own misfortune and
tliat of Europe, and which it was once more the interest of
Europe to render indissoluble."
The news of the elevation of V/illiam I. to the throne was
received in the Dutch provinces with great joy, in as far as
it concerned him personally ; but a joy considerably tempered
by doubt and jealousy, as regarded their junction with a
country sufficiently large to counterbalance Holland, oppose
interests to interests, and people to people. National pride
and over-sanguine expectations prevented a calm judgment
on the existing state of Europe, and on the impossibility of
Holland, in its ancient limits, maintaining the influence which
it was hoped it would acquire.
In Belgium the formation of the new monarchy excited the
most lively sensation. The clergy and the nobility were
considerably agitated and not slightly alarmed; the latter
fearing the resentment of the king for their avowed predilec-
tion in favor of Austria, and perceiving tlie destruction of
every hope of aristocratical domination. The more elevated
of the middle classes also saw an end to their exclusive oc-
cupation of magisterial and municipal employm.euts. The
manufacturers, great and small, saw the ruin of monopoly
staring tliem in the flice. The whole people took fright at
the weight of the Dutch debt, which was considerably greater
than that of Belgium. No one seemed to look beyond the
present moment. The advantage of colonial possessions
seemed remote and questionable to those who possessed no
maritime commerce ; and the pride of national independence
was foreign to tlie feelings of those who had never yet tasted
its blessings.
It was in this state of public feeling that intelligence was
received, in March, 1815, of the reappearance in France of
the emperor Napoleon. At the head of 300 men he had taken
the resolution, without parallel even among the grandest of
290 HISTOKY OF THE > KTHKULAJNDS. 1815
his own powerful conceptions, of invading a country contain-
ing thirty millions of people, girded by tlio protecting armies
of coalesced Europe, and imbued, beyond all doubt, with an
almost general objection to the former despot who now put
his foot on its shores, with imperial pretensions only founded
on the memory of his by-gone glory. His march to Paris was
a miracle ; and the vigor of his subsequent measures redeems
the ambitious imbecility with which he had hurried on the
catastrophe of his previous fall.
The flight of Louis XVIII. from Paris was the sure signal
to the kingdom of the Netherlands, in which he took refuge,
that it was about to become the scene of another contest for
the life or death of despotism. Had the invasion of Belgium,
whicli now took place, been led on by one of the Bourbon
family, it is probable that the priesthood, the people, and even
the nobility, would have given it not merely a negative sup-
port. But the name of Napoleon was a bugbear for every
class; and the efforts of the kuig and government, which
met with most enthusiastic support in the northern provinces,
were seconded with zeal and courage by the rest of the king-
dom.
The national force was soon in the field, under the com-
mand of the prince of Orange, the king's eldest son, and heir
apparent to the throne for which he now prepared to fight.
His brother, prince Frederick, commanded a division under
him. The English army, under the duke of Wellington, oc-
cupied Brussels and the various cantonments in its neighbor-
hood; and the Prussians, commanded by prince Blucher,
were in readiness to co-operate with their allies on the first
movement of the invaders.
Napoleon, hurrying from Paris to strike some rapid and
decisive blow, passed the Sambre on the 15th of June, at the
head of the French army, 150,000 strong, drivmg the Prus-
sians before hmi beyond Charleroi and back on the plain of
Fleurus with some loss. On the 16th was fought the bloody
battle of Ligny, in which the Prussians sustained a decided
defeat; but they retreated in good order on the little ri\er
Lys, followed by marshal Grouchy with 30,000 men detached
by Napoleon in their pursuit. On the same day the British
advanced position at Quatre Bras, and the corps (Vormfr
' commanded by the prince of Orange, were fiercely attacked
by marshal Ney ; a battalion of Belgian infantry and a bri
gade of horse artillery having been engaged in a skiiTnish
the preceding evening at Frasnes with the French advanced
troops.
The affair of Quatre Bras was sustained with admirable
i ^15. BATTLE or WATERLOO. 291
firmness by the allied English and Netherland forces, against
an enemy infinitely superior in number, and commanded by
one of the best generals in France. The prince of Orange,
with only 9900 men, maintained his position till three o'clock
in the afternoon, despite the continual attacks of marshal
Ney, who commanded the left of the French army, consisting
of 43,000 men.* But the interest of this combat, and the
details of tlie loss in killed and wounded, are so merged in
the succeeding battle, wliich took place on the 18th, tha
they form in most minds a combination of exploits which tlie
interval of a day can scarcely be considered to have separated.
The 17th was occupied by a retrograde movement of the
allied army, directed by the duke of Wellington, for the pur-
pose of taking its stand on the position he had previously
fixed on for the pitched battle, the decisive nature of which
his determined foresight had anticipated. Several affairs
between the French and English cavalry took place during
this movement; and it is pretty well established that the
enemy, flushed with the victory over Blucher of the preced-
ing day, were deceived by this short retreat of Wellmgton,
and formed a very mistaken notion of its real object, or of the
desperate reception destined for the morrow's attack.
The battle of Waterloo has been over and over described
and profoundly felt, until its records may be said to exist in
the very hearts and memories of the nations. The fiery valor
of the assault, and the unshakable firmness of the resistance,
are perhaps without parallel in the annals of war. The im-
mense stake depending on the result, the grandeur of Napo-
leon's isolated efforts against the flower of the European
forces, and the awful responsibility resting on the head of
their great leader, give to this conflict a romantic sublimity,
unshared by all tiie manoeuvring of science in a hundred
commonplace combats of other wars. It forms an epoch in
the history of battles. It is to the full as memorable as an
individual event, as it is for the consequences which followed
it. It was fought by no rules, and gained by no tactics. It
was a fair stand-up fight on level ground, where downright
manly courage was alone to decide the issue. This derogates
in nothing from the splendid talents and deep knowledge of
the rival commanders. Their reputation for all the intricate
qualities of generalship rests on the broad base of previous
victories. This day was to be won by strength of nerve and
steadiness of heart ; and a moral grandeur is thrown over its
* Journal de Las Cases, t. iii. p. 336.
292 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1915.
result, by the reflection that human skill had little to do
where so much was left to Providence.
We abstain from entering on details of the battle. It is
enough to state, that throughout the day the troops of the
Netherlands sustained tlie character for courage which so
many centuries liad established. Various opinions have gone
forth as to the conduct of the Belgian troops on this memora-
ble occasion. Isolated instances were possibly found among
a mass of several thousands, of that nervous w^eakness which
neither the noblest incitements nor the finest examples can
conquer. Old associations and feelings not effaced might
have slackened the efforts of a few, directed against former
comrades or personal friends whom the stern necessity of
politics had placed in opposing ranks. Raw troops might here
and there have shrunk from attacks the most desperate on
record ; but that the great principle of public duty, on grounds
purely national, pervaded the army, is to be found in the offi-
cial reports of its loss : 2058 men killed and 1936 wounded
prove indelibly that the troops of the Netherlands had their
full share in the honor of the day. The victory was cemented
by the blood of the prince of Orange, who stood the brunt of
the fight with his gallant soldiers. His conduct was con-
formable to the character of his whole race, and to his own
reputation during a long series of service with tlie Britisli
army in the Spanish peninsula. He stood bravely at the head
of his troops during the murderous conflict ; or, like Welling-
ton, in whose school he was formed and whose example was
beside him, rode from rank to rank and column to column,
inspiring his men by the proofs of his untiring courage.
Several anecdotes are related of the prmce's conduct
throughout the day. One is remarkable as affording an ex-
ample of those pithy epigrams of the battle-field with whicli
history abounds, accompanied by an act that speaks a fine
knowledge of the soldier's heart. On occasion of one pecu-
liarly desperate charge, the prince, hurried on by his ardor,
was actually in the midst of the French, and was in the great-
est danger ; when a Belgian battalion rushed forward, and,
after a fierce strugg'le, repulsed the enemy and disengaged
the prince. In the impulse of his admiration and gratitude,
he tore fi-om his breast one of those decorations gained by his
own conduct on some precedmg occasion, and flung it among
the battalion, calling out, '• Take it, take it, my lads ! you
have all earned it !" This decoration was immediately gi'ap-
pled for, and tied to the regimental standard, am.idst loud
shouts of " Long live the prince !"' and vows to defend the
1815. EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF WALERLOO. 29:3
trophy, in the very utterance of which many a brave fellow
received the stroke of death.
A short time afterwards, and just half an hour before that
terrible charge of the whole line, which decided the victory,
the prince was struck by a musket-ball in the left shoulder.
He was cai*ried from the field, and conveyed that evening to
Brussels, in the same cart with one of his wounded aids-de
camp, supported by another, and displaying throughout as
much indifference to pain as he had previously shown con-
tempt of danger.
The battle of Waterloo consolidated the kingdom of the
Netherlands. The wound of the prince of Orange was, per-
haps, one of the most fortunate that was ever received by an
individual, or sympathized in by a nation. To a warlike peo-
ple, wavering in their allegiance, this evidence of the prince's
valor acted like a talisman against disaffection. The organi-
zation of the kingdom was immediately proceeded on. The
commission, charged with the revision of the fundamental
law, and the modification required by the increase of terri-
tory, presented its report on the 31st of July. The inaugura-
tion of the king took place at Brussels on the 21st of Septem-
ber, in presence of the states-general : and the ceremony re-
ceived additional interest from the appearance of the sovereign
supported by his two sons who had so valiantly fought for
the rights lie now swore to maintain ; the heir to the crown
yet bearing his wounded arm in a scarf, and shov.'ing in his
countenance the marks of recent suffering.
The constitution was finally accepted by the nation, and
the principles of the government were stipulated and fixed in
one grand view — that of the union, and, consequently, the
force of the nev/ state.
It has been asked by a profound and sagacious inquirer, or
at least the question is put forth on undoubted authority in his
name, "Why did England create for herself a difficulty, and
what will be by and by a natural enemy, in uniting Holland
and Belgium, in place of managing those two immense re-
sources to her commerce by keeping them separate ? for Hol-
land, without manufactures, was the natural mart for those of
England, while Belgium under an English prince had been
the route for constantly inundating France and Germ any. '"•''
So asked Napoleon, and England may answer and justify
her conduct so impugned, on principles consistent w^th the
* Las Cases, Journal de la Vie priv^e et Conversations de Napoleon, t.
iii. p. 83.
iUl HISTOKY OF TITK NKTHKRLANDS. 1^15.
ooneral wishes and the common good of Europe. The dis-
cussion of the question is foreign to our purpose, which is to
trace the circumstances, not to argue on the policy, that led
to the formation of the Netherlands as they now exist. But
it appears that the different integral parts of the nation w^ere
amalgamated from deep-formed designs for their mutual bene-
fit. Belgium was not given to Holland, as the already-cited
article of the treaty of Paris might at first sight seem to im
ply : nor was Holland allotted to Belgium. But they were
g-rafted together, with all the force of legislative wisdom; not
that one might be dominant and the other oppressed, but that
both should bend to form an arch of common strength, able to
resist the weight of such invasions as had perpetually perilled,
md often crushed, their separate independence.
INDEX.
A.
Abercrombie, Sir Ralph, commands
the armament established for the
House of Orange, 270.
Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, 260.
Albert of Saxony, 65.
Albert, Archduke, arrives at Brussels,
170. Captures Calais, 171. Mar-
riage and inauguration of, 173. En-
try of, into the Netherlands, 179.
Defeated by prince Maurice, 182.
Alencon, the duke of, appointed sove-
reign, 144. Obliges Parma to raise
the siege of Cambray, and enters
the town triumphantly, 146. Made
duke of Anjou; repaii-s to England
and offers marriage to Elizabeth, ib.
Attacks Antwerp, 148. His death,
150.
Alliance, quadruple, 257.
Alva, duke of, one of the council of
Philip II. at Segovia, 108. Arrival
of, at Brussels, 115. Summons a
meeting of the members of the coun-
cil of state, 116. Retirement, 117.
Horrors of his administration, 119.
Defeats the patriots and the prince
of Orange, 121. Causes sixty citi-
zens to be executed, 123. His recall
and death, 126.
Anabaptists, rise of, 71.
Andrew of Austria placed at the head
of the temporary government, 173.
Anne of England, accession of, 253.
Carries on the war with France
energetically, 253.
Anthouyduke of Brabant, death of, 50.
Antwerp, sack of, 132. Siege of, 156.
Effects of the fire-ships, 157. Ar-
minius, 200. His death, ib.
Arminians, persecution of, 204.
Armada, the invincible, 163.
Arschot, duke of, made governor of
Flanders, 138. Foiled in his pro-
jects, ib.
Baldwin Bras-defer, 32.
Baldwin of the Comely Beard, 34.
Barnevuldt recovers Brille, Flessin-
gue, and the fort of Rammekins, 202.
Opposition of, to the ambitious
views of Maurice, 203. Resignation
and imprisonment of, 205. Death
of, 206.
Batavians, degeneracy of, 21.
Bflgium, invasion of, 219.
Blake, admiral, engagement of, with
Admiral Tromp, 234.
Boisot, success of, in favor of the pa-
triots, 127.
Bokelzoon, 71. Imprisonment of, in
an iron cage, ib.
Bonaparte, a French general, 268. Ele-
vation of, 271. Decline of, 273. Ab-
dication of, 283. Reappearance of,
in France, 290.
Bonaparte, Louis, king of Holland,
271. Abdication of, 272.
Bouvines, battle of, 42.
Brussels, union of, 1.36.
Buckingham, the English ambassador,
failure of, to corrupt the prince of
Orange, 244.
C.
Cambray, league of, 67. Peace of, 71
Campo-Fonnio, treaty of, 268.
Carlos, dnn, death of, 120.
Cassambrot, John, punishes the icono-
clasts, 108.
Cassel, battle of, 46.
Cassimir, John, count palatine, re-
pairs to the assistance of the States,
141.
Cassimir of Nassau, count Henry,
death of, 220,
Cateau-Cambresis, peace of, 81.
Caesar, invasion of, 17.
Charlemagne, government of, 29.
Charles count of Charolois, called " the
Rash," 56. Contrasted with Louis
XI. of France, 57. Policy of, 58.
Takes Louis prisoner, ib. Plan of
aggrandizement of, CO. Conquers
Lorraine, 61. Defeat at Morat, and
death of, 62.
Charles of Egmont. 05.
Charles V., visit of, to England, 70.
Punishes the people of Ghent, 72.
Severity agaiust tiie reformers, 73.
Retirement and death of, 74.
Charles I. of England, 216.
Charles II. of England, restoration of,
238. Perfidy of, 240. Exacts hu-
miliating conditions of peace from
the United Provinces, 243. His
death, 247.
Charles VI., emperor, death of, 259.
Christian of Brunswick, 211.
Civilis repulses the Romans, 21.
Commerce, progress of, 175.
Confederates, perfect organization of,
98. Consolidation of plans of, ih
296
INDEX.
Procession of, to the palace, and
banquet of, 99. Adopt the title of
Gueux, 100. Dissolution of, 114.
Congress at the Hague, 195.
Cortenburgh, the contracts of, 45.
Counts of the empire, 29.
Cromwell insists on conditions of
peace humiliating to the States, 236.
His death, 238.
Crusades, the, 42.
D.
D'Artaveldt, James, the brewer of
Ghent, 4G. Conservatorof the peace
of Flanders, 47. His death, ih.
Dathen, Peter, 104.
D'Avila defeats Louis of Nassau at
Mookerheyde, 128.
De Barneveldt, 185. Advocates the
cause of peace, 192. Opposes Mau-
rice, 199. Embraces Arniinianism,
200.
De Berlaimont, count, at the head of
the financial department, 87.
De Brederode fails in an attempt to
see the governant, 112. Defeated at
Valenciennes, and flies to Germany,
113.
Do Granvelle, Anthony Perrenotte,
bishopof Arras, 83. Character of, 87.
DeGroeneveld, Renier, plot of against
Maurice, 212. Death of, 213.
De la Marck, William, success of, in
surprising Brillo, 124. A general
insurrection the consequence of his
success, ib. Deprived of his com-
mand, 125.
De Male, count Louis, defeat of, 48.
De Marnix, Philip, lord of St. Alde-
gonde, 98.
De Xeyen, John, emploj^ed to nego-
tiate peace, 192.
De Ruvter, death of, 245.
Dettingen, battle of, 259.
De Winter, imprisonment of, 270.
De Witt, Cornellizon, admiral.impris-
oned,231, and liberated, 232.
De Witts, the, murder of, 243.
Don John declared an enemy, and or-
dered to quit tlie country, 140. As-
sisted by the priiTCe of Parma, ib.
His death, 141.
Dort, synod of, 20G.
Dordrecht, situation of, 36.
Downs, battle of, 220.
Dumouriez gains the victory of Je-
mappes. 2U7. Defeat and flight of,
2G8.
Duncan, Sir Adam, encounters the
Dutch fleet, 270.
E.
Ecclesiastical power, rise of, 34.
Edict, the perpftnal. 136
Edward III. joined by the Flemings
46.
Egmont, count, popularity of, 92.
Sent to Jhilip on a mission, 94.
Made prisoner, 116.
Elizabeth of England solicits mercy
of Pliilip for the States, 131. Assists
the confederates, 136. Sends the
Earl of Leicester to Holland, 160.
Recalls her troops and demands pay-
ment of her loans from the states
general, 179. Her death, 185.
Epinoi, the princess, defends Tour-
nav in the absence of the governor,
146.
Ernest, archduke, accused of being in
league with others to assassinate
prince Maurice, 169. His death, 170.
Eugene, prince, carries on the war
with France, 253.
Fitz-Osborn, William, death of, 38.
Flanders, commencement of, 32. Com-
merce of, 38. Attached to France,
vet independent of it, ib.
Fleurus, battle of, 268.
Fontenoy, battle of, 259.
Franks, character of, 23. Defeat of, 24.
Francis I. of France, 70.
Francis IL, successor of Leopold, 267.
Frederick, the elector palatine, 210.
Friesland, final conquest of, 27.
Prisons, 19. Union of, with the Flem-
ish people, 29. Privileges of, analo-
gous to MagnaCharta, 31. Political
institutions of, 41.
George II. achieves the victory of
Dettingen, 259.
Gerard, Balthazar, murders the prince
of Orange, 152. Death of, 153.
Ghent, rebellion of, 55. Pacification
of, 133.
GildoniceCharta, 30.
Giles de Rypergherste conquers the
dauphin of France, in a pitched bat-
tle, 47.
Gomar, 200.
Gomarists, called Remonstrants, 200.
Godfrey king of the Normans, 33. As-
sassination of, ib.
I Godfrey of Bouillon, 42.
Godfrey count of Ardenne, lieutenant
of Lower Lorraine, 33.
Granvelle obtains the archiepiscopa
see of -Mechlin, and title of primal
of the Low Countries, 88. Confede
racy against him, 80. Unpopularity
of, 93." Dismissal from office, ib.
Grotius, imprisonment of, 206. Escape
of, 209. Character of his writings,
226
INDEX.
297
liueldeis, vvais of, 65.
Gueux, the title of, adopted by fJie
confederates, 100.
H.
Haranguer, captain, surprises Breda,
165.
Hautain, admiral, 190.
Heeuiskirk, brilliant victory of, 190.
Hein, Peter, naval success of, 216.
Hembyse, rebellion of, 139. Death of,
151.
Henry V. of England, alliance of,
with Philip duke of Burgundy, 53.
Henry, Frederick, brother to prince
Maurice, 181. Succeeds his brother,
215. Receives the title of highness
in place of excellency, 221. His
death, 224.
Henry IV. of France, defeat of, 16(5.
Gives assistance to the states, 170.
Assassination of, 198.
Heinsius, the grand pensionary, fol-
lows up the views of William II.,
252.
Holland, formation of, 36.
Holle, count of, 97.
Hoogerbeets, imprisonment of, 206.
"Horn, count, popularity of, 92. Re-
tirement of, 102.
I.
Inquisition, establishment of, 95.
Isabella, wife of Albert, entry of, to
the Netherlands, 179. Harangues
the troops, 180. Her death, 218.
Jacqueline of Holland, 52. Separation
from her husband, flight to England,
and projected marriage with Glou-
cester, 53. Defeated and abandoned
by Gloucester, 54.
James I. of England, his reception of
the ambassadors from the states-
general, 185. Enters the polemical
lists as a Gomarist, 201. Refuses
assistance to Frederick the elector,
210.
James II. of England, accession of,
247. Rejects the assistance of Eouis
XIV. against the prince of Orange,
248.
Jaureguay, John, attempt of, to mur-
der the prince of Orange, 147.
Jemappes, victory of, 267.
John the Fearless, count of IVe vers, 50.
W^ars with Great Britain, ib.
John of Bavaria, the Pitiless, 51.
John duke of Brabant, marriage of 52.
John, don, of Austria, arrival of, in
Luxembourg, 134. Entry of, to
Brussels, 136. Takes possession of
the citadel, 137.
Joseph II. successor to Maria Theresa,
261. His death, 266.
Judith, daughter of Charles the Bald
marriage of, 32.
Justin of Nassau, 163.
L.
Lambert and Reginald, struggle of
for independence, 33.
Lambert II. count of Louvain, 34.
Ledenberg, imprisonment of, 206
Death of, ib.
Leicester invades Holland, ]60. Un-
popularity of, 161. Death of, 164.
Leopold, successor to Joseph II., 266.
Death of, 267.
Leyden, siege of, 128.
Ligny, battle of, 2ii0.
Lorraine, Higher and Lower, 34.
Louis, count, of Cressy, 45.
Louis XI. of France, 57. Imprison-
ment of, 58. Policy towards Charles
duke of Burgundy, 61. Defeat of,
at Guinegate, 63.
Louis XII. of France, 67.
Louis XIV. arrogates supreme power,
247. Rejoices at the death of Wil-
liam of Nassau, 253. Too old to
command his troops, 254. Reduced
to a state of humiliation, 255.
Louis XV. invades the Austrian
Netherlands, 259.
Louis XVIII., flight of, from Paris,
346.
Louis of Nassau, success of in favor
of the patriots, 124. Defeat and
death of, 128.
M.
Mansfield, count of, successor to Par-
ma, 168.
Maria Theresa, heroism of, 259. Es
tablished in her rights, 260. Re-
duced to widowhood, 261.
Margaret of Austria, 67. Negotiation
with Henry VIII. of England, 68.
Marguerite, Madame, duchess of Par-
ma, made governaiit-general, 84.
Issues orders favorable to the re-
formers, 103. Sends the Prince of
Orange to appease tiiem, 107. En-
deavors to destroy the union of.the
patriot lords. 111. Establishes a
new oath of allegiance, 113. Re-
monstrates with Pliilij) about his
invasion uuder Alva, 115. Retire-
ment and death of, 117.
Marlborough, duke of, carries on the
war with France, 253. Opens hia
first campaign, 254.
Martel, Charles, defeat of, 26. Duke
of the Franks, 27.
Mary, daughter of Charles the Rash,
62. Marriage of, 63.
598
INDEX.
Mathias, archduke, made governor,
138. Taken prisoner, 139. Libera-
tion of, ib. Installation of, 140.
Retires to Antwerp, ib.
Maurice, prince, becomes prince of
Orange, 126. Made stadtholder,
captain-general, and admiral of
Hollandlind Zealand, IfiO. Unites
in himself the whole power of com-
mand, 162. Takes advantage of
the absence of Parma, lOG. Checks
the cruelty of Mendoza, 178. At-
tempts the invasion of Flanders,
180. Invests Nieuport, ib. Defeats
the royalists. 182. Takes the field
against Spinola, 189. Hostility of,
to Barneveldt, 192. Becomes a Go-
marist, 200. Receives the order of
the Garter, 201. Intrigues for regal
power, 203. Advances the Calvin-
ists" party, 204. Defeats Spinola at
the siege of Bergen-op-zoom, 211.
Plot against him, 212. He punishes
the conspirators, 213. His death,
_ 215.
Jila.ximilian of Austria, marriage of,
63. Imprisonment of, ib.
Mazarin, cardinal, 223.
Menapians, 19.
Mendoza, cruelties of, 177. Wounded
and taken prisoner, 183.
Money-fleet, the, 217.
Mook, battle of 123.
Morat, battle of, 61.
Mons, seized on by Louis of Nassau
and De Geniis; retaken by Alvas
son, 124.
Munster, treaty of, 224.
N.
Netherlands, situation of, 15. tilate
of, in the days of Pliny, 16. Eliijcts
from inundations of the sea and
rivers, ib. Invasion of Ctesar, 17
Effects of the Roman alliance, 20,
The southern portion called Belgic
Gaul, 21. Introduction of Chris
tianity, 25. Under Charlemagne
29. Conmierce, and legislation of,
42. Revolt of the towns, 45. June
tion of the Flemings with Edward
in. of England, 46.' Feudality de
feated by civic freedom, 48. Sove
reignty assumed by the duke of
Burgundy, ib. Formation of a na
tional council, 50. Feeble state un
der the government of Maximilian
64. Government of Margaret of
Austria, 68. Progress of the refor
mation, ib. War with France, 70
The whole of the provinces united
under one sovereign, 74. Commer
eial wealth, ib. Cultivation of the
fine arts, 76. Opulent state of the
nation, 85. Inefficiency of the gov-
ernment under Philip II., 86. The
inquisition established, 95. Com-
mencement of the revolution, 96.
The manifesto of the confederates.
98. Progress of the reformation
103. Abolition of the inquisition,
106. Compromise with the reform-
ers, 108. Conference at Termonde,
111. Commencement of the civil
war, 112. Dissolution of the con-
federacy, 114. Alva's arrival and
tyranny, 116. General horror at the
death of Don Carlos and the queen,
120. Disaster of the patriots, 121.
Naval force of the patriots, 122.
General insurrection, 124. Distress-
ed state of the country, 126. Evil
effects of the plague, 127. Anarchy
and confusion after the death of
Requesens, 131. The members of
the council-chamber imprisoned,
132. The states-general assemble at
Ghent. 133. Demolition of the cita-
dels rendered odious by the excesses
of the Spanish, 137. Revival of
civil war, 140. They renounce the
sovereignty of Spain, 143. Public
ingratitude towards the prince of
Orange. 150. The power of Spain
established again in the whole
province of Flanders, 155. Lament-
able state of the country, ib. Nego-
tiations opened with France and
England at once, 159. Suspicion
and dislike towards England, 161.
The effects of the spreading of the
reformation and enlightenment,
174. The States unsuccessful in a
naval expedition, 179. Success of
the royalists, 180. Prince Maurice
and Spinola, 186. Maritime enter-
prise, 188. Disgraceful naval aftair,
190. Negotiations for peace, 191.
Assembly of ambassadors, 193. A
twelve years' truce, 196. Religious
dissensions, 199. E.xpiration of the
twelve years' truce, 209. War in
Germany, 210. Naval success, 216.
Naval success of the republic, 220.
Civil wars in England, 222. Finan-
cial embarrassments, 223. Litera-
ture and the arts, 226. Commerce,
223. Manners of the people, 229.
Naval war with England. 233. The
navigation act, 234. Naval suc-
cesses. 237. Hostilities renewed, 239.
The French invade Holland, 242.
Holland perseveres in the contest
with France, 245. English revolu-
tion, 248. War renewed, 254. Seven
years' war, 260. Peace with Eng-
land, 262. Discontent in Belgium.
264. Insurrection and confedera-
tion, 266. War between France
and Austria, 267. Belgium a French
>\)h
province, 268. Abolition of the
office and title of stadtholder, 269.
Decline of the French power, 273.
Restoration of the prince of Orange,
275. New constitution, 282.
Nimeguen, peace of, 245.
Nienport, battle of, 181.
Normans, not renowned before the
time of Charlemagne, 32. Forma-
lion of the Monarch)-, 285.
O.
Orange, prince of, William I. of Nas-
sau, opposition of, to Granvelle, ilO.
Opposition of, to the views of Philip,
0-1. Is sent to appease the con-
federates, 107. Sunnnons his bro-
ther Louis, counts Egmont, Horn,
and Hoogstraeten, to a conference
at Termonde, 111. Refuses the new
oath of allegiance, and retires to
Germany, 114. Opposition to Alva's
tyranny, 120. Defeated by Alva,
and retires to France, 121. Returns
to Brabant, 124. Relieves the in
habitants of Leyden by destroying
the besieging army with an inun-
dation of the ocean, 129. Policy of,
with queen Elizabeth, 131. Sends
an admonitory memorial to the
states-general, 13(5. Made governor
of Brabant, 137. Draws up the basis
of a treaty for Mathias's accept-
ance, 138. As.sembles the states-
general to abjure the dominion of
Spain, 143. Answers Philip's edict,
145. Shot in the head by an assas-
sin, 147. His recovery, 148. Pro-
tects the duke of Anjou from public
reprobation— retires to Zealand,
150. His death, 152.
Ostend, siege of, 184.
P.
Paris, treaty of, 284.
Parma, duchess of, retirement of, 117.
Parma, prince of, marriage of, 97.
Succeeds Don John, 142. Raises the
siege of Cambray, 146. Besieges Ant-
werp, 156. Summoned to France,
165. Defeats Henry VI., 166. Re-
tires to Spa, and is again summoned
to France, 167. His death, ib.
Philip the Fair, 45.
Philip the Bold, 49.
Philip of Cleves, 64.
Philip of Bnrcrundy, 54. Called the
Good, 55. Death of, 56,
Philip II. of Spain, 77. Ferocity of,
79. Policy of, 80. His war with
Henry II. of France and pcpe Paul
IV., ib. His intrigues for despotic
power, 82. Opposed by the States,
84. Orders the edicts against heresy
to be put in execution. 94 Duplicity
of, 95. Establishes the inquisition,
ib. Abolishes the inquisition, 106.
Vindictiveness and duplicity of,
110. Intiuences persons to attempt
the assassination of the prince of
Orange, 147. Negotiates for peace
with France, 172. His death, 174.
Picaroons, the, 168.
Plague, the, breaks out, 127.
Pragmatic sanction, 257.
Pyrenees, peace of the, 238.
auatre Bras, battle of, 290.
R.
Radbod, king of the Frisons, 26.
Reformation, causes of its progress
being checked, 89.
Reformers divided into Anabaptists,
Calvinists, and Lutherans, 103.
Meet in every direction in arms, ib.
Send an address to the governant,
108. Compromise of, ib. Erect
wooden churches, 110. Reginald
and Lambert. (See Lambert.)
Requesens successor to Alva, 126.
Defeat of, 127. Sells his plate to pay
the arrears of the soldiery, 12"^.
Mutinous state of his army, ib.
Fixes on Zealand as the scene of an
expedition, 129. His death, 130.
Richelieu, cardinal, death of, 2iS.
Richilde, countess, 38. Defeat of. ih.
Robert count of Namur, 34.
Robert the Frison, 38.
Rubens, 227.
Ryhove, death of, 151.
Rysvvick, peace of, 250.
Saxons, preponderating power of, 24.
Schwarzemberg, 97.
Schenck, Martin, 164. His death, 165.
Sidney, Sir Philip, 160. Hisdeath, 161.
Spinola takes tlie field against prince
Maurice, 186. Sent with 20,0(10
men to support the duke of Neu-
bourg, 197. Defeat of. 211. Called
to the command of the Spanish
troops in Italy, 217.
Stoutenbourg, William van, his re-
vengeful plot against prince Mau-
rice, 212. His escape to Brussels, 213.
Strieker, Herman, 103.
T.
Termonde, conference at. 111.
Thierry, count, governs the western
extremity of Friesland, .36. Takes
Godfrey prisoner, ib.
Trees of "Upstal, the, 39.
Tromp, Van, victory of, 220. Naval
engagement of. ^vith admiral Blake,
234' His death. 230
300
TItrecht, union of, 142.
Utrecht, peace of, 256.
V.
Valenciennes, siege of, 112. Surren-
der of, 113.
Vanderdoes, Jean, burgomaster of
Leyden, 128.
Vander Noot establishes a committee
at Breda, 2G5. His flight, 267.
Vervins, peace of, 173.
Viglius, president of the privy-coun-
cil, 87. Opposes the rapacity of
Alva, 122.
Vonck aids the cause of constitu-
tional freedom, 265.
W.
Waterloo, battle of, 291.
Westphalia, peace of, 225.
William the Bastard of Normandy,
supplied with men and ships by
Flanders, for the conquest of Eng-
land, 37.
William Frederick count of Nassau
attempts to gain possession of Am-
sterdam, 232. His death, 233.
William V. proclaimed stadtholUtr
200. Installation and marriage of,
261.
William prince of Orange saves his
country, 244. Marriage of, 246. In-
vades England, and is made king,
248. His inveterate hostility to
Louis XIV., 249. His death, 252.
Willebrod, St., success as a mis-
sionary, 27.
Witikind, first azing or judge, ib.
William I. prince-sovereign of the
Netherlands, 282.
Y.
York, duke of, 268.
Pichegru, 269.
Defeated by
Z.
Zuriczee admits to surrender, 132.
THE END
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